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Telephone Call, "21st Street, 126." 



1S63 



26 Years' Exf-erience. 



18«0 



T. M. STEWART, 

o'2G Seventh Avenue, JVew York. 



CARTAGE FREE IN BROOKLYN. 



Carp 



^ 




AND RENOVATING WORKS. 




Not only all Dust and Moth, but 

Every Stain, removed by 

our Process. 



BEST MA CHINES IN THE WO RLD. 

Send for Circular, or come and see 

the new patents of 1874, 1875, 

1878, and 1880. 



Of the numerous notices received from the press, 
a single one is here subjoined, taken from the oldest 
and most circumspect of our leading dailies, the 
Journal of Commerce : 

Where Carpets are Cleaned. 

" After an inspection of the extensive Steam Carpet Cleaning Works of Mr. T. M. 
Stewart, 326 Seventh Avenue, near 28th Street, which have been in successful operation 
for many years, we conclude that the order and method attained at this establishment 
have materially contributed to its success. A large five-stoiy building is entirely devoted 
to the business ; the Cleaning Machines, which are a wonder in themselves (patents of 
1872, 1874. 1875, 1878, and 1880), being on the fifth floor; beaters and brushes driven 
by steam, currents of pure air forced through the carpets, effectually clean them from 
all possible impurities The fourth floor is used for the folding of carpets. The third 
floor is devoted to his new and wonderful process of scouring. Here every possible stain 
is removed, over fifty different chemicals being used, so as not to affect the different 
shades and tints of the carpets The first and second floors are used for the storage of 
carpets, where they are kept as safe as if in a sealed case. The whole establishment 
.shows ingenuity and scientific skill, combined with method and care. All the details of 
taking up, cleaning, and relaying carpets are done at this most complete establishment. 
If we were to fill a column in commendation of Mr. T. M. Stewart, we could not say 
more in effect." 



THE CONSTITUTION. 
I. 

Tyrant winter's icy fetters, wherewith Alpine heights are belted, 

Under God's free summer sunshine fall away. 
Slowly, surely as the season comes, his massive chains are melted, 

And a single drop is born of every ray; 
Then confluent in their currents sing the little brooklets hurrying 

To unite and form a torrent in its power, 
Rushing headlong down the mountain, every opposition burying, 

Growing stronger and yet stronger hour by hour, 
Till at last their force is gathered in the broad and placid river 

Flowing noiselessly and steadily along, 
Messenger of peace and plenty from the glorious All-giver, 

Though it moves without a roar, without a song. 

II. 
So, in genesis of nations swells the human tide forever 

Of resistance to the wrongs on which men brood. 
Trickling first, then drop by drop of individual endeavor. 

Finding volume till there falls a mighty flood. 
Strong enough to move a thousand mills if Titans could but store it. 

Making chasms out of each and every crack. 
Sweeping m.any an ancient barrier from the course that lies before it, 

Leaving chaos — but a pathway — in its track; 
Then its violence is swallowed in a People's peaceful yearning 

For respect which only dignity can draw. 
And the Freedom-loving spirit, noisy effervescence spurning, 

Finds its triumph in the fixed domain of Law. 

III. 

Fitly we commemorate with stirring songs of exultation 

Revolution's call to arms, our bells all ring. 
Peal of cannon, burst of fireworks, brings to mind the Declaration, 

Which renounced allegiance to Britain's King, 
But the birth of statehood in our peerless written Constitution 

Calls for heartfelt paeans of deeper music now. 
That we see in it the final unimpeached and sure solution 

Of the governmental problem, all allow. 
Thence arose the system under which a proud and fearless nation 

Swears to guarantee the weakest in his right; 
Hymns of praise unto Jehovah dedicate our celebration. 

The centennial of a dawn that has no night ! 

J. A. 



STEINWA\ 



T 




GRAp 
PIANOS. 



The recognized Standard Pianos of the ^ orld, pre-eminently the best instru- 
ments at present made, exported to and sold in all art centres of 
the globe, preferred for private and public use by the 
greatest living artists, and indorsed, among 
hundreds of others, by such as : 

Richard Waguer, J. Moscheles, 

Fi-aiiz Liszt, | Albert Nieuiann, 

Anton Rubinstein, I Nicola Rubinstein, 



Hector Berlioz, 

Felicien David, 

Charles Gounod, 
Ambroise Thomas, 

Theodore Thomas, 

A. Dreyschock, 
Joseph Joacliim, 

Rafael Joseffy, 

Moiiz Rosenthal, 
Conrad Ansorg'e. 

Theodore Leschetizky, 

Fi'anz Rnmmel, 
A. Marniontel, 

William Mason, 

S. B. Mills. 



Cainllle Saint-Saens, 
W. Taubert, 

nton Seidl, 

Rudolpli TVillmers, 

AND HY MESDAMIiS 

Adelina Patti, 

Etelka Gerster, 

Teresa Titiiens, 
Annette EssipoflF, 

Anna Mehlig', 

Marie Krebs, 
Adele Ans Der Ohe, 
Parepa Rosa, 

Minnie Hank, 
Emma Juch, &c., «kc. 



illu6tratcd gataloguc6 failed Jrec on application. 

WAREROONIS : 

Steinway Hall, 107-111 E. 14th St, 
NEW YORK. 







/JL-^^ /fTT^- 




, . J^^^-^' 



X 



•■ % 




SOUVKNIR 



AND 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME 



OF THE 



CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION 



OF 



GeorgeWashington's 



INAUGURATION 



AS 



First President of the United States. 



Compiled and Edited by John Alden. 



PUBLISHED BY 

GARNETT & GOW, 

NEW YORK. 
PRICE ONK DOLLAR. 

Copyrighted, iSSg. 



CONTENTS. 






Chapter I Programme 

Chapter 11 Programme 

Chapter III Programme 

Chapter IV Programme 

Chapter V Programme 

CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY. 

Chapter VI Causes Leading Up to Nationality 

Chapters VII to XII Signers of the Constitution 

Chapters XIII and XIV Constitution and Amendments 

Chapter XV Presidential Administration Washington 



Chapter XVI 

Chapter XVII 

Chapter XVIII 

Chapter XIX 

Chapter XX 

Chapter XXI 

Chapter XXII 

Chapter XXIII 

Chapter XXIV 

Chapters XXV to XXXIII Washington's Inauguration in 17S9 

Chapters XXXIV to XXXIX A Century of Art and Industrial Development 



Adams — Jefferson 

Madison — Monroe 

.J. Q. Adams— Jackson 

Van Buren — Harrison —Tyler 

Polk — Taylor — Fillmore 

Pierce —Buchanan 

Lincoln— Johnson 

Grant— Hayes— Garfield— Arthur 
. . ..Cleveland— Harrison 



V 







ft JENS F. PEDERSEN, 



IMPORTER OF 



WATCHES 

AND 

Manufacturing Jeweler, 

No. 1 >^ Maiden Lane, 



Sent prepaid ou receipt of price. 



3iTE-^77- -^os.^:. 



TiNiiiMG Watchks a Specialty, 

Price from $80 to $300. 



Ooan^^sjDOXxca.e'Xice) XicL-srltex^. 



PREFACE. 



For matter used in this Souvenir the Editor wishes to acknowledge 
his indebtedness to " Harper's Magazine," " The Century," " The 
Cosmopolitan," " Illustrated New York " (by The International 
Publishing Co.)," The First Century of the Republic " (Harper's), 
and also to exhaustive special articles in the IVor/J, Herald, Si/n, 
and Times. He has very freely used the Official Programme of the 
Constitutional Centennial Celebration in Philadelphia (1887. Pub- 
lished by J. F. Dickson & Co.). In the Constitutional history of the 
United States, which runs through all the Presidential Administrations, 
the writer has availed himself of all the standard works. He is most 
largely under obligation to Bancroft on the history of the Consti- 
tution, and to Judge Cooley on points connected with its interpre- 
tation. Much interesting information on the history of Fife Assurance 
in the United States has been taken from " Fowler's History of 
Life Assurance in Philadelphia." J. A. 



I860. 



NOT THE LARGEST, BUT THE BEST. 



1889. 




OK NKW^ A^ORIv. 

W. A. BREWER, Jr. - - - - President. 

ASSETS nearly $10,000,000. 



BOA.IlI> OF OIllECX'OllfcS. 



W. A. Hreweb, Jr., 
Wm. Haxtdn, 
RoLAKD G Mitchell, 
George N. Lawkekoe, 
Levi P. Morton, 
Ariel A. Low, 
Merritt Trimble, 
George A. Robeins, 
Thomas Hope, 
James Thomson. 
Wilson G. Hunt, 
Chas. H. LuDiNoroN. 
Robert Bowne, 




Francis Speir, 
Frederic E. Coucekt, 
George Newbold, 
Benjamin Haxtun, 
Edwin H. Mead, 
Henry F. Hitch, 
Charles P. Britxon, 
Francis G. Adams 
Ben. W. McCbeady, m.d 
David Thomson. 
Harold A. Sanderson. 



THE WAS-HINOTON 

issues all desirable forms of Life and Endowment Insurance, including its pop- 
ular Semi-Endowment, which is better than a "Semi-Tontine " by as much as a 
definite is always better than an indefinite contract. The Washington's Semi- 
Endowments guarantee better results than Semi-Tontines. 

The Combination Policy of The Washington guarantees to the holder 
of a $i,ooo Policy $1,500 at maturity. A Policy for $5,000 is a contract for 
$7,500. A Policy for $10,000 is a contract for $15,000. 

Say the amount of the policy is $30,000, the insured is guaranteed at matur- 
ity $30,000 CASH and a paid-up Life Policy for $15,000 ; total, $45,000, together 
with all accumulated and unused dividends. 

By the Combination Policy the insured secures under a single contract 
/, Protection for a term of years. 

II, The Savings of an Endowment, 

III, A Permanent Estate, 

A strong, simple, and inexpensive provision, guaranteeing INSURANCE, 
a CAPITAL SUM, and AN ESTATE. 

The Policies of The Washington arc protected by non-forfeitable divi- 
dends, are incontestable after three years ; residence and travel unrestricted after 
two years. Immediate settlement of claims. 

There are no fine-print restrictions in The Washington's policy form. 
Every policy provides for a definite amount of paid-up insurance after three 
years. In its provision for the voluntary application for all dividends to pre- 
vent forfeiture in case of lapse, " The Washington's" contract has alwavs been 
superior to that of any other company. Address, 

E. S. FRENCH, Sup't of Agencies, 21 Cortland St., NEW YORK. 



CHAPTER I 



PROGRAMME OF THE CELEBRATION- 

AND SCOPE. 



ITS CONCEPTION 



The movement to celebrate the looth anniversary of the inaugura- 
tion of George Washington, as President of the United States in 17S9, 
rose out of a mass meeting of citizens of New York, at which a com- 
mittee was appointed to arrange details and to enlist the interest of 
other States, and of the State and National governments. The under- 
taking was one of stupendous proportions, but has been fitly carried 
out. The various sub-committees appointed have done their work 
well. Most of the Territories and all of the States will be repre- 
sented by commissioners or militia details, or both. The State of 
New York, through the Legislature, acted promptly and liberally. 

Tl:e following memorial was presented to President Grover Cleve- 




W.D. GARRISON, Manager. 



600 rooms at $1.00 per day and upwards. European Plan. 

First-class Restaurant^ Dining Rooms, Caf(' and Lunch Counter, 
a la carte, at moderate prices. 

Guests' Baggage to and from Grand Central Depot Free. 

Travelers a'-riving via Grand Central Depot save Carriage-hire 
and Baggage Express by stopping at the Grand LTnion. 

Travelers can live well at the Grand Union for less money than 
at any other first-class hotel in Xew York. 

I 



SOUVENIR AND 



ESTABLISHED 1836. 



NORTHERN ASSURANCE CO 

o^ iLjOn>T:DOiNr- 

( Entered the United States 1876.) 







/F-^T-TfF 




UNITED STATES 

O K K I O E S : 



5 New England Deft. 

No. 13 Congress St., 
f - BOSTON. 

George W. Babb, IManager. 



Nohth-West Dept. 

No. 204 La Salle St., 

CHICAGO. 

W. D. Crooke, Manager. 

Central Dept. 

No. 82 West Third Street, 

CINCINNATI. 

Warren F. Goodwin, Manager. 

Pacific Coast Dept. 
No. 441 California St., 

SAN FKANCISCO. 
Eobert Dickson, Manager. 



New York Department, 38 PINE ST., NORTHERN BUILDING. 

HENRY H. HALL, Manager. 



OFFICIAL PI^OGRAMME. 



land, by Hon. John A. King, the Chairman of the Sub-Committee on 
(ieneral Government of the Committee on the Centennial Celebra- 
tion of the Inauguration of George Washington as President of the 
United States, on March ii, 1888 : 

New York, March 10, 1888, 
To the President of the United States : 

The Centennial Anniversary of the Organization of the Constitu- 
tional Government of the United States, of the First Meeting of 
Congress, and of the Inauguration of George Washington as Presi- 
dent of the United States, in the City of New York, will occur on 
the 30th day of April, 1889. 

It is appropriate that the anniversary of these great events should 
be properly celebrated in the same city, and upon the exact date and 
site of their occurrence, one hundred years ago. 

Moved by such considerations, the citizens of New York, in con- 
junction with the Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York, 
the New York Historical Society, the Order of the Cincinnati, and 
the Society of the Sons of the Revolution, have organized a grand 
Committee of Citizens, " on the Centennial Celebration of April 30, 

y^ Ink «f y^ /Incienl^." 



^"f onlye y^ Be5l- 



These inks have been in constant and daily use for very many 
years, bye ye British Government and bye ye leading Banking 
and Mercantile Houses in England, Australia, China, Japan, India, 
South America, and all ye British Possessions, and are in use now in 
all ye Government Departments at Washington, where they give per- 
fect satisfaction. 

All ye people who want ye very Best Inks they can get will do 
well to try these. 

These olde Inks are now made in this new Countrie, as the de- 
mand was too greate to import them, and can be obtained by sending 
to any of the large Booksellers in New Yorke, or of ye manu- 
facturers themselves in the centre of ye City. 

Ye modern way is to use ye Type-writer, a machine for doing ye 
writing, instead of with ye Pen; we also manufacture ye Type-writer 
Ribbons, and ye Supplies for ye Machines. 

John Underwood & Co., 

30 VESEY STREET, NEW YORK. 
ALL YE MANY PEOPLE TAKE HEED. 



4 SOUVENIR AND 



1 789," and have appointed the undersigned as their chief officers, 
with instructions to make the observance of the occasion worthy of 
the city, of the State, and of the signal events to be commemorated : 
and, further, to respectfully ask that you will make this determina- 
tion the subject of a couiinuiiicatiun to Congress, inviting National 
co-operation, as it is to be a celebration in which the Nation and the 
States should assist in unison with the people of New York. 

Remarkable and becoming as, in their respective localities, were 
the ceremonies, in which all sections united, in recognition of 1776, 
of Yorktown, and of the formation of the Federal Constitution in 
1787, yet is the anniversary of the 30th of April, 1789, more note- 
worthy, as being the final and pre-eminently the greatest of the 
National Centennials, the consummation of the manifold blessings 
attained by all others preceding, and commemorative of the taking of 
the Oath of Office by George Washington, in the presence of the 
Houses of Congress, whereby the wheels of a Republican Constitu- 
tional Government were set in motion, complete in its Executive 
and Legislative branches, and fully equipped for its great work. 

The precise spot upon which this august ceremony took place, 




Manfettan Trust Ko., 



No. 10 Wall Street, 

NEW YORK. 



CAPITAL, - . $I,000,OCO. 



INCORPORATED 1871. 
directors: 

FBANCIS ORMOND FRENCH, New York. H. W. CANNON, New York. 

R. J. (;i{OSS, Ntnv York. JOHN R. FORI), New York. 

HENRY L. HIGGINSON. Boston. T. JEFFERSON COOLIDGE, Jr., Boetau. 

AUGUST r.ELMONT, Jr., Ntw York. JAMES <), SHELDON, New York. 

E. D. RAND: LI'H, New York. A, S. ROSENBAl'M, New York. 

CHaS. F. L(VER:\I0RE. New York. S.VMUEL R. SHIRLEY, Philadelphia. 

C. C. BALDWIN. New York. R. T. WILSON, New York. 

CHAS. F. TAG, New York. JOHN I. WATERBURY, New York. 
HENRY FIELD, Chicago. 

FRANCIS ORMOND FRENCH. President. JOHN I. WATERBURY, Vice-President. 

Tho 5Ianh,mt.\n Trust Company is a l«»s;al depository *or^ money, anil i.s author- 
ized to acce|)t and «>xe«-iite Tiiixls of everj' de.scription. 

Acts as Kxefulof, Admin istiiitor, Ouar<liaii, Keceiver, or Trustee, piviLg 
special attention to the investment and management of real and Personal ID si u to. 

Ai^rows iivtf:rkst on i>kposi'I!*. 

For the convenience of depositors this Company will receive accounts under its rcgu'a'i ou.-i, 
subject to cheque through the Clearing House. 

Acts as Transfer Ageut aad Kegi.strar of Stock* and Bonds. 



OFFICIA L PKOG KA MME. 



THE WINE OF THE PEERAGE. 




Champagi^e. 



Du VlVIER^ ^ Co. 49 BR.OAD St. I|.Y! 
— SPECIALTY OF-— 

FiriE Clarets IL Bui^Gui^DiESi 



FINE TABLE 

QlJIRETS k ^HEflES 



DU VIVIER h. CO,, 49 Broad St., N. Y. 



KINAHANS 



LL 



THE 



CREAM 

OF 

Irish Whisky. 



OU VIVIER & CO., 49 Broad St., N. Y. 



SOUVENIR AND 



though now owned and occupied by the United States, was in 1883 
crowned by the citizens of New York with a colossal figure in bronze 
of the first President, with an inscription upon the base, so that it may 
be marked and known to future generations. 

Around this hallowed spot the people of New York will gather in 
1889, and, as outlined in the Plan and Scope, which we have the honor 
to submit to you, invitations will be issued to the President of the 
United States, the Members of his Cabinet, the P'ederal Judiciary, 
the Houses of Congress, the Heads of the Departments, the Gover- 
nors and Legislators of the States and Territories, the Commissioners 
of the District of Columbia, the resident representatives of the Foreign 
Governments having friendly relations with the United States, and 
representatives of various organizations and societies of the Union, 
to unite with them in appropriate observances of the occasion. It is 
proposed to confine the programme to the day of 30th of April, 1889; 
that there shall be a military and naval parade, in which, under orders 
issued by the President, the United States troops and the vessels of 
the Navy shall participate, in connection with the military and indus- 
trial organizations from the different cities and States, as well as with 
those of the City and State of New York ; that some formal exercises 

R. G. ROLSTON, Pres. W. D. SEARLES, Vice-Pres. W. H. LEUPP. Sec. 

The Fai^rger^^' Loan and \nt\ Company, 

Cor. WILLIAM and BEAVER STREETS, 

CAPITAL, - $1,000,000. SURPLUS, - $3,000,000. 



^ acec-u-tiTT© CssaQ-san-ittee : 

JOHN JACOB ASTOR. FREDERICK BILLINGS, ISAAC BELL. 

SAMUEL SLOAN, PERCY R. PYNE, R. G. ROLSTON. 



nrireetors: 
JOHN J. ASTOB, R. G. ROLSTON. 

SAM'L SLOAN. GARDINER L. COLBY, 

ISAAC BELL, W. H. WISNER, 

PERCY R. PYNE, A. BELMONT, Jr., 

WM WALTER PHELPS, H. VAN RENSSELAER KENNEDY, 

WILLIAM REMSEN, DENNING DUER. 

iSDGAR S. ADCHINCL0S8, MOSES TAYLOR PYNE, 

W. W ASTOR, HENRY HENTZ, 

EDWARD R. BELT-, ALEX. T. VAN NEST, 

R L CUTTING, ROBERT C. BOYD, 

JAS. ROOSEVELT. C. H. THOMPSON. 

FREDERICK BILLINGS, 8. CLARK JERVOISE, 

THOMAS RUTTER, JAMES NEILSON, 



OFFICIA L PROGRA MME. 



shall take place on the steps of the Sub-Treasury, where Washington 
was inaugurated ; that there shall be delivered a commemorative ora- 
tion and poem ; and, finally, that there shall be a banquet to which 
the honored guests of the City will be duly invited. 

The grandeur of the occasion and its approriate observance upon 
the historic site, in the midst of the great metropolis of the Western 
Hemisphere, cannot fail to impress themselves upon your own con- 
sideration, and, therefore, in asking your full co-operation with us, 
your memorialists would respectfully request that you maybe pleased 
to draw the attention of Congress to this subject by a special message,, 
and thereby impart to this great celebration the broad characteristic 
of nationality in which the States and Territories should fully join. 
Hamilton Fish, 

President. 
Abram S. Hewitt, 

Chairjuan of General Committee 
Elbridge T. Gerry, 

Chairjuan of Exceutive Commiftee. 
Clarence W. Bowen, 
Secretary. 



J^mericaii Fir^e Ingui'aqce Co., 

OK NEW YORK, 
Mutual Life Old Building. 146 BROADWAY. 



STATEMENT, JANUARY 1st, 1889. 

Cash Capital, $400,000.00 

Unearned Premiums and other Liabilities, - - - 360,176.41 
Net Surplus, -------- 548,337.91 

Total Assets, ----- $1,308,514.32 



DAVID ADEE, President. 

W. H. CROLIUS, Secretary. 
CHAS. P. PIERCE, Ass't Sec'y. 



8 



SOrj'EXIJi AXD 



On January 8, 1889, the following invitation was extended to the 
State and Territorial Commissioners : 

I St. — You are respectfully requested, upon your arrival in New 
York, the last of April next, to call at the Governor's Room, in the 
City Hall, and to there register your names and give your addresses 
in the city. 

2nd.^ — You are respectfully requested to meet in the Governor's 
Room on Monday afternoon, April 29th (the exact hour to be 
announced later), and under military escort proceed to the foot of 
Wall Street, to meet the President of the United States upon his 
arrival in this city. 

3rd. — You are respectfully requested to return with the President 
of the United States, the Governor of the State of New York, and 
the Mayor of the City, to the Governor's Room, in the City Hall, 
where a public reception will be held. 

4th. — On the evening of Monday, April 29th, there will be a ball 
in the Metropolitan Opera House, to which you are invited. 

5th. — At 8. 30 o'clock on Tuesday morning, April 30th, you are 

STATEMENT OF THE UNITED STATES BRANCH OF THE 

ROYAL INSURANCE CO. OF LIVERPOOL, ENG. 



JANUARY 1, 1889. 

„ ,„ .A.~SETS. 

Real Estate, ........... 

Cash in Bank, . . . . , 

United (States Government Bonds, 

1 linoia Central K. R. (Jo. Fir.st Mortsape Bonds, . 

L k ) ^SIlore and Michigan Southern K. R Co First Mortgage Bonds, . 

Albany A SusQuehanna R. R Co First Mortgage Bonds .... 

N Y. Central and Hudson River R. K. Co. First Mortgage Bonds, 

Chicago, Milwaukee and ,St. Paul Railway Co First Mortgage Bonds, 

Delaware and Hudsc n Canal Company's First Mortgage Bonds, 

N. Y., Lackawanna and Western K. R. Co. F^irst Mortgage Bonds, 

N. v. A Harlem R R. Co. First Mori page Bonds, .... 

< hicago and Northwestern R, R Co. First Mortgage Bonds, 

West Shore I{,. R t'o. First Mortgage Bonds, ...... 

Chicago. Ruck Island and Pacific R. R (io. First Mortgage Bonds, 

Brodkl.vn (imi Montauk R. R. Co, First Mortgage Bonds. .... 

t^yrajuse. Binghamron, and N. Y. R. li. Co. First Mortgage Bond.», . 

A.orr s A Ks^ex R. R Oo. First Mortgage Bonds 

St. Paul, Minneapolis <fc Manitoba R. R. ( 'o. First Mortgage Bor.d^ 
Pittsburgh. Fo.-t Wayne and Chicago R. R. Co.. First Mortgage Bonds, 
("hicago. Burlington and Quincy R. R. Co. First Mortgage Bonds, 
Cincinnati. Indianapolis. ^St. Louis and (Jhicago R R. Co. First Mortgage Bonds, 
Michigan Central (Detroit and Bay Citvi R. R. Co. First Mortgage Bonds, 
Michigan (;entra: R. R. Co. First iviortgage Bonds, ..... 

Accrued Interest. .......... 

Uncollected Premiums, .......... 

Other Assets, . . ......... 

Held in the U. S. for the special protection of its American Policy Holders, 

LI-A-BIXilTIES. 

Unpaid Losses, ........ $290,502 DC 

Unearned Premiums, ....... 2,3:il,39i) 53 

Other Liabilities, ........ 406.788! 4 



$1,818,200 10 
328,711 82 
886.350 OJ 
107,000 00 
130.000 00 
123,500 00 
137,500 00 
li.5 500 00 
57.000 00 
97,820 00 
115,200 00 
143 000 0.) 
105,000 00 
135,010 00 
28 125 00 
GS.OOO 00 
23,200 00 
5<.750 00 
20 090 00 
47,075 00 
95.750 00 
69.440 00 
10 480 00 
18,529 32 
433,809 21 
20,663 15 



$.>,aa3,e93 60 



3 .028,690 69 

!Sia,a<>5,oo3 oi 



.JACOB 1) VKRMILYE. 
O.S(.OUO WEL H. 

r. F. B EI>I> A I.I., Manager 

SO AVall 



Surplus. 
BOARD CF MANAGEMENT: 
J H IXMAN. 
HENRY PAKIsn. 

Wm. W. HENSIIAT*', Assistant Manager. 

St., !New York. 



FREDEKICK D T\PPFN. 
EDMUND W. CORLIES. 



OFF! CIA J. PKOCKA ^F^IE. 



9 



requested to meet in the Governor's Room, in the City Hall, and 
proceed to St. Paul's Church, to attend the service of Thanksgiving, 
which will take place at nine o'clock. The service will also be attend- 
ed by the President of the Ignited States and other gentlemen of 
distinction, and will be conducted by the Bishop of New York and 
the Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix, Rector of St. Paul's Church. 

6th. — At the close of the services at St. Paul's Church, the Gov- 
ernor, Lieutenant-Governor, and the Chairman of the Commissioners 
of each State are requested to proceed to the grand stand on the 
steps of the Sub-Treasury building, to hear the literary exercises and 
view the parade. 

7th. — At the banquet, at the Metropolitan Opera House, the Gov- 
ernor of each State will be invited, or, in his absence, the Lieutenant- 
Governor, or, in his absence, some gentleman of distinction from 
each State, whom the Governor may appoint. 

8th. — The States will have precedence in all cases according to 
the date of their admission into the United States. 

The general scheme here outlined has been followed. The full 
official programme is given in the following pages. 





I 



LIMITED, 



Stoch, Bonds, Graio, Provisions 



Petroleum and Cotton, 



HNTo- 10 "W£bll Sti-oest, 



NEW YORK. 



lO 



SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



Do you know that 



The Sif er Manufacturing Co,, 

(the sewing machine makers of the world,) 

After making and selling over 8,ooo,cxdo machines, have just brought out 

Thfee Woodeiful New Sewing Machines, 

Especially designed for FAMILY USE. 

LIGHT pNNIfjGAHDHQlSELESS . JOUSTED \\ ELEGANT CjlBipT WOI^K. 
VWITH EVEl^Y MODEI\N IMPROVEMENT A^ LABOR SjlVING DEVICE. 



SINGER 

OSCILLATOR. 

"The 
Expert's Fa vorite. " 




SINGER 

VIBRATOR. 

"The Ideal 
simple family sew- 
ing machine." 



Singer Automatic 

(SIXGLE thread) 
WILL NOT FATIGUE THE MOST DELICATE LADY. 

Ladies Living in Apartments should see our Drawing-Room Cabinet, 

by which any of our latest family sewing machines can 

be entirely concealed at will in an elegant 

piece of cabinet work. 

PRINCIPAL OFFICE, 

BRANCHES IN Fourth Ave., cor. i6th Street, 

Iverj City and Town in ths World. ^^^ ^ox^s:. 



CHAPTER 11, 



PROGRAMME OF THE CELEBRATION— THE LOAN EXHI- 
BITION—RECEIVING THE PRESIDENT. 

WEDNESDAY, APRIL 17. 

I. Formal opening of the Loan Exhibition of Historical Portraits 
and Relics in the Assembly Rooms of the Metropolitan Opera House, 
at 8.30 p. M. 

The Loan Exhibition will be open to the public on Thursday, 
April 18, and remain open from 10 a. m. to 6 p. m., and from 7 p. m. 
to 10 P. M., day and evening, until Wednesday, May 8. Admission 
fee, 50 cents. 



liierpol k Loidoi k Glole 

INSURANCE COMPANY, 

45,47 &49 William SW and 41 & 43 Pine Street, 

NKw^ Il'ork: city. 



Assets, $6,963,811.91 

Liabilities, 3,963,284.63 



Surplus, $3,000,527.28 



12 



SOL' VEX IN AXn 



MONDAY, APRIL sg. 

II. The Naval Parade will take place in New York Harbor from 
I I A. M. to I p. M. 

The Governors, Commissioners of States and other guests, with 
hidies invited by the Committee on States, and the members of the 
Cieneral Committee will embark at 9.30 a. m., on the steamer Erastus 
]Viman, at ferry slip foot of West Twenty-third street, New York 
CiLy, to receive the President, and to meet the President's steamer off 
Elizabethport. Admittance by special blue ticket. 

On the arrival of President Harrison and the Cabinet officers, and 
other officials of distinction, at Elizabethport, at 11 o'clock Monday 
morning, the party will at once embark for New York City. The 
President and immediate suite will be received by the Committee on 
Navy, and under their direction will embark on the President's 
steamer provided by that Committee. 










( ^FFICIA L I'ROGRA MME. 



MONDAY, APRIL 2q. 

The steamer Sirius, under the management or the Committee on 
Navy, will receive at Elizabethport other guests and official person- 
ages of the Presidential party who cannot be accommodated on the 
President's steamer. Admission to steamer Sin'i/s will be by red 
ticket. The line of United States ships of war, yachts, and steam- 
boats will be formed in the Upjier Bay under Admiral David D. 
Porter, U. S. N., as Chief Marshal, and will l)e reviewed liy the 
President, 

On the arrival of the Presidential party in the East River, opposite 
Wall Street, a barge manned l)y a crew of shipmasters from the 
Marine Society of the Port of of New York, with Capt. Ambrose Snow, 
President of that Society, as coxswain, will row the President ashore. 
The crew of the barge that rowed President Washington from Eliza- 
bethport to the foot of Wall street were members of the same society. 
The steamers Erastiis W'iinan and Sirius, prior to the debarkation of 
the President, will land at pier i6, Wall Street, the guests for the 
reception at the Equitable Building, and proceed with the remaining 
passengers to West Twenty-third Street Ferry and West Twenty- 
second Street. 



HOME INSURANCE COMPANY OF NEW yORK, 

Offce, 3^0. 11.3 BI^O-^ID"\7^.A-'2". 



SEVENTY-FIRST SEMI-ANNUAL STATEMENT. 
JANUARY^ 1889. 
SUMMARY OF ASSETS. 

(;•.'.. li in Banks and TrUHt ''ompanies, 

Boud.s aud Mortgages, being first lien on Real Estate, 

United States Stocks (market value'. 

Bank and Railroad Stocks and Bonds (market value; . 

State and tity Bonds (market valr.e). 

Loans on Stocks, payable on demand, . . . , 

Interest due and accrued on 1st January. 181^9, 

Premiums uncollected and in hands of Agent*, 

Real Estate, ..... . . 

Total, 



LIABILITIES, 

Cash Capital, ....... 

Reserve Premium Fund, ..... 

Peserve lor Unpaid I.ossrs, Claims and Taxes, 

Reserve for Sinking Fund, , . . . . 

Net Surplus, ....... 

Cash Assets, ...... 



WILLIAM L. BTGEI.OW,) ■ 

THOMAS B. GREENE, } secretaries. 



DANIEL A. HEALD, President, 

JOHN H, WASHBURN. ) 
ELBlilDGE O. SNOW, Je , ( 
HENRY J. FERRIS. Uas't Secretariea. 



$3l9,y;i:5 


'.6 


701 ,300 


Oi) 


2.818,851) 


0() 


2,379,130 


00 


411,8r.9 


89 


•239,401) 


1.0 


7'.),098 


H3 


6'26 .5('0 15 


1,345,675 


14 


13,061,657 


27 


$3,000,000 00 


3,767, .507 


00 


66S),4t>3 


8H 


22,903 78 


1.502,46/ 


61 


$8,<:61,657 


27 


t'ice-Presldents. 



AREUNAH M. BUETIS. 
'Sew York, Januat-y 8, 1SS9. 



14 



so UP' EN IK AND 



MOjVZ>AV, APRIL 2g. 

III. On arriving at foot of Wall Street the President of the United 
States will be received by the Governor of the State of New York, the 
Mayor of the Cit^ of New York, Hamilton Fish, President of the 
Committee, and William G. Hamilton, Chairman of Committee on 
States. 

The President and other guests will next be escorted to the Equit- 
able Building, where a reception and collation will be tendered them 
by the Committee on States, 

The procession will be formed as follows: 



JOSEPH GiLLtnrs 



# 




THE MOST PERFECT OF PENS. 

FOR FINE WRITING, Nos. 303, 604, and LADIES', 1 70. 
FOR GENERAL WRITING, Nos. 404, 332, 390 and 604. 
FOR BROAD WRITING, Nos. 294, 389, and Stub Point, 849. 

FOR ARTISTIC USE, 

Nos. 659 (THE CELEBRATED CROWQUILL), 290 & 291. 



SOLD BY ALL DEALERS THROUGHOUT THE WORLD. 

WHOLESALE WAREHOUSE, 91 JOHN CTREET, NEW YORK. 

HENRY HOE, Sole Agent. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



15 



MONDA V APRIL 2^. 

Brevet Lieut. -Co]. Floyd Clarkson, Marshal. 

Band Fifth Regiment United States Artillery. 

Three foot batteries Fifth Regiment United States Artillery. 

New York Commanderyof the Loyal Legion of the United States. 

Commanders of Posts of the Grand Army of the Republic in 

counties of New York and Kings. 

Cappa's Band. 

Uniformed Battalion of Veterans Seventh Regiment, N. G. S. N. Y. 

Uniformed Veteran Militia Associations of New York and Brooklyn. 

Band of the General Service, United States Army. 

Society of the Sons of the Revolution. 

The General Committee of the Centennial Celebration. 




DEC 

BROTHER S" 

PIANOS. 

The Best, 
The Most Durable, 

33 Union Square, 

NEW YORK. 



l6 



SOUVEA'IJi AXD 



MONDAY, APRII, 2g. 



The President of the United States, the Governor of the State of 
New York, the Mayor of the City of New York, and Hamilton Fish, 
President of the Committee, flanked by the barge crew from the 
Marine Society of the Port of New York. 

The Vice-President of the United States, and Lieutenant (Gover- 
nor of the State of New York. 

The Secretaries of State, Treasury, War, and Navy of the United 
States. 

The Secretary of the Interior, the Postmaster-General, the Attor- 
ney-General, and Secretary of Agriculture of the United States. 

The Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

The Associate Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, 
and Judges of other Federal Courts. 



/? 2T, Moss. Si/^fOTTSKZ^ 



^'f/iOJJS M^^^'^^ 'PROCESS - F/iOTO£m/{W//iiS 




Send Green Stamp for 24-Page Circular. 
Send Photograph, Drawhig, or Print for- Estimate 



OFFICIA L PROGRA MME. 



17 



MONDAY, APRIL 2g. 

The Governors of States, taking precedence in the order of admis- 
sion of their State into the Union. 

The ofificial representation of the Senate of the United States. 

The ofificial representation of the House of Representatives of the 
United States. 

The Governors of Territories and President of the Board of Com- 
missioners of the District of Columbia, taking precedence in the order 
of establishment of their Territorial governments. 

The Admiral of the Navy, General Sherman, the Major-General 
commanding the Army, and officers of the Army and Navy who by 
name have received the thanks of Congress. 

The official representation of the Society of the Cincinnati. , 



BARBOUR'S IRISH FLAX THREAD, 

THE MANUFACTURE OF THESE THREADS WAS COMMENCED IN 1 784 — ONE 
HUNDRED AND FIVE YEARS AGO. 



1784. 




G:5$^) 



1889 



C3:$^D 



These Threads have always been and are now the standard of excellence, 
and are made in every variety for hand and machine work. Sold by respect- 
able dealers throughout the country. 

FACTORY IN PATERSON, N. J. 

<1THE BARBOUR BROTHERS COMPANY, I> 



NEW YORK. 
CHICAGO. 



BOSTON. 
ST. LOUIS. 



PHILAUELPIilA. 
SAN FRANCISCO. 



lg ^ SOUVENIR AND 



MONDAY, APRIL 2p. 

The Cliiet Judge and Judges of the Court of Appeals of the State 
of New York. 

The Presiding Justice and Justices of the Supreme Court of the 
State of New York, and Judges of other courts of record within the 
City of New York. 

The Legislature of the State of New York. 

Officers of the State of New York. 

Judges and Justices of other courts in the city of New York. 

The Board of Aldermen of the City of New York. 

Heads of departments in the City of New York. 

Mayor of the City of Brooklyn. 

The Board of Aldermen of the City of Brooklyn. 

The Foreign Consuls of New York, and officers of the Army and 
Navy of the United States. 

Invited guests, without special order of precedence. 



CORE for the DEAF! 

Peck's Patent Improved Cushioned Ear Drums, Perfectly 
Restore the Hearing, whether deafness is caused by colds, 
fevers or injuries to the natural drums. Invisible, comfort- 
able, always in position. Music, conversation, whispers heard 
distinctly, noises in head overcome. Successful where all 
other remedies fail. Sold only by 

F. HISCOX, 8^3 Broad>*^ay, 

Cor. 14th St., New York. 
Write or call for illustrated book of proofs FREE. 




OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



19 



MONDAY, APRIL 2g. 

The distance from the landing at the foot of Wall Street to the 
Equitable Building being but a few blocks, the procession will pro- 
ceed on foot from the landing at Wall Street to the Equitable Build- 
ing, carriages being provided only for the President and his immedi- 
ate party. At the reception in the Equitable Building the President 
with his Cabinet, the Governors of the States, the Governor of the 
State of New York, and the Mayor of the City of New York will have 
presented to them the guests, who will pass and ])ow to the President 
and party without shaking hands (as was the custom at the reception 
of Washington in 1789). The reception will last from 2 to 3.30 
o'clock. Admission only by buff tickets. 

IV. From 4 to 5.30 o'clock a public reception will be given to 
the President of the United States in the Governor's room in the City 
Hall, the President, the Governor of the State of New York, and the 
Mayor of the City of New York proceeding under military escort. 

At the steps of the City Hall a representation of girls from the pub- 
lic schools will assemble and welcome the President of the l^iitetl 
States. 



,"4l50p- HOUSES^ 
■■ilOOO-HOUSB'^- 
^■•'$3500 -HOUSES 
•PORTFOLIO' CONTAINING- 

•32-DES16NB 





Portfolio of 

" *$l(iOO Houses ; ns Designs. 

" «SI500 •' 25 

" «$2U00 " 23 " 

''Exact oobt of each design stated " »f ? vS !I ^^ II 
^ndili, correctness guaranteed. lu ,fo-S ^ 

many cases the exact costs are *$35(X) o2 

sliglitly under or over the "class " , *$40UO " 26 

figure. Prices for materials and Prices : One Portfolio, 



ShoppelFs Classified. 

UILDING DESIGNS 

Complying- with the oft-repeated request of many of our patrons, 
we have classified our Building Designs for Residences according to 
cost. This classification includes all of our popular designs and many 
Mei^ ones specially prepared for the purpose. 

An owner may now choose from a large number of designs of the 
same cost, and not waste time on others. Each classification includes 
about the largest possible variety of designs its limit of cost allows. 
Usually the owner need look no further. 

"Truly called perfect aids to intending builders." — Ckristian 
Herald, N, Y. 

LIST OF CLASSIFICATIONS: 
Views, floor plans, ail dimensions and full descriptions are given. 
Printed on heavy supercalendered plate paper— size of page, KAjXl-l 
Inches. Each classification enclosed in a handsome cloth portfolio. 

Portfolio of 

" ♦$5(XX) Houses; 23 Do 
" *$6000 " 22 
" *ST500 " 20 
" *$10,000 " 16 



signs. 



" "Stables and Carriage 
Houses; various costs; 16 
Designs. 

, .2.oo; Three Portfolios, $5.00; Seven 

laljor given on which costs are Portfolios, $10.00; Twelve Portfolios (the full set), $15.00. DeUvered 
based. by mail or express, all charges prepaid. 

Remit by Check on Local Ban?:, Draft, P. O. Order, Express Order, or enclose bills and Registerthe Letter. 
Address: THE CO-OPERATIVE BlILDINd PLAN ASSOCIATION, Architects, 

(Or for a shorter address, R, W, SHOPPELL), C3 Broadway, New York. 



20 



SOUVENIR AND 



Union Square Hotel 



-AND- 



HOTEL DAM. 

DAIS/L & IDE REVERED, Proprietors. 




THE UNION SQUARE HOTEL is situated in the heart of the mteropolis, on 
the corner of Fifteenth Street, facing Union Square. It is built of brick and stone, 
and will accommodate three hundred and fifty guests. 

It is conducted on the Eiu-opean plan, is elegantly furnished, and contains all 
modern conveniences : hot and coid water in each room ; elevator, with all the safety 
appliances ; fire alarms ; steam heat and open grates ; electric bells, etc. 

Its close proximity lo all the leading retail stores, theatres, elevated railroads, 
horse cars, and principal points of interest in the city, makes it a desii^able place for 
merchants and tourists to stop at, either on business or pleasure. 



THE HOTEL D A Nl , 

fronting on Fifteenth Street, immediately in the rear of and connecting with the 
Union Square Hotel, is seven stories in height, and is strictly fire-proof. The rooms 
are all built in suites, trimmed in hard -wood, with baths, hot and cold water, closets, 
etc., in each room. 

The ventilation and sanitary improvements are perfect in every respect, and for a 
family hotel will compare favorably with any other first-class hotel in the world. 

The Rkstaurants, Cake and Salons are unexcelled. 

The proprietors trust that their long experience in the business will enable them 
to cater successfully to the tastes and wants of those whose pleasure it may be to 
favor them with their patronage. 

DAM & De revere, Proprietors. 



CHAPTER III. 



PROGRAMME OF THE CELEBRATION— THE GRAND 
BALL— RELIGIOUS SERVICES. 



MONDAY, APRIL 2g {EVENING). 

V. In the evening, at nine o'clock, the Centennial Ball will be 
given in the Metropolitan Opera House. The following is the pro- 
gramme : 

The Mayor of the City of New York, as host and as Chairman of 
the Committee on the Centennial Celebration of the Inauguration of 
George Washington as President of the United States, to arrive at 
the Metropolitan Opera House at 10.15 P- ^^■■> ^"^ ^^ io-30 to receive 
the President of the United States and other distinguished guests. 




The Latest Styles 

in Woolen Fabrics 

Always on Hand. 



THE MOST COMPLETE STOCK 
IN THE COUNTRY. 



Q Quick Work a Specialty. 



Suits to Order in 12 Kours if required. 




Branclnes in all thie Principa.! Cities, 




Bowery, 145 & 147; Broadway, 771 



22 



SOUVEXI/^ AA'D 



MONDAY, APRIL 2<p {EVENING). 

The President to be brought to the Ball by the Chairman of the 
Committee on Entertainment, accompanied by the Ciovernor of the 
State of New York and Mrs. Harrison, the Vice-President and Mrs. 
Morton, the Lieutenant-Governor and Mrs. Jones. 

The Manager of the Ball to meet the President at his carriage 
and conduct him into the building, where the formal reception by the 
]\Iayor will take place. 

After the reception, the guests above named will be conducted tO' 
the floor in the following order, escorted by a guard of honor : 

The Mayor, The President, The Governor, 

The Vice-President and Mrs. Harrison. 

The Lieutenant-Governor and Mrs. Morton. 

The President of the General Committee and Mrs. Jones. 




E. H. MASON, 

AGENT FOR 

Smith's Roll Top Desks 

ALSO 

Manufacturer of and Dealer in 



■^-^-o^ 



-^OFFICE FURNITURES 

]Sro. 02 A\^illiam Street, 

OFFICES FITTED UP. NEW YORK. 



OFFICIA L PROGRA MME. 



MONDAY, APRIL 2g {EVENING). 

In front of the President's box the Chairman of the Committee on 
Entertainment will present to the President the Chairman of the Ex- 
ecutive Committee and the members of the Committee on Entertain- 
ment, and of the Committee on Plan and Scope. 

After the presentation, the opening c^uadrille will be formed by the 
Manager of the ball. 

At midnight the President and party will be escorted in the above 
order to the supper-room, which order will be observed on returning. 
The serving of wine will cease at i o'clock a. m., in compliance with 
the law. 



COLTON DENTAL ASSOCIATION, 

(JRIOINATOHS OP THE USE OF 
— FOR THE— 

Painless Extraction of Teeth. 

Their Scroll contains the names of over 163,000 people who have taken the gas and vouch 
for its ef&cacy. The gas is fresh every day. 

ESTABLISHED JULY 15tH, 1863. 

No, lO Cooper Institute, New York. 



24 



SOUVENIR AND 



TUESDA j; APRIL 30. 

AT. Services of thanksgiving, pursuant to the proclamation of 
the President, will be held in the churches in New York and 
throughout the country at 9 a. m., being the hour at which religious 
services were held in New York City on April 30, 1789. 

VII. A special service of thanksgiving will be held in St. 
Paul's Chapel at 9 o'clock, which the President and other distin- 
guished guests will attend. This service will be conducted by the 
Right Rer. Henry C. Potter, D. D., LL. D., Bishop of New York, as 
the service on the day of Washington's inauguration in 1789 was 
conducted by the Bishop of New York, the Right Rev. Samuel Pro- 
voost. Admission only by lavender ticket. 



Metropolitan Trust Company 

OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. 

IsTos- aT Sz 33 X^;7"a,ll Street. 



Paid in Capital $1,000,000, Invested in United States & N. T. City Bonds. 

DESIGNATED BY ORDER OF THE SUPREME COURT AS A LEGAL DEPOSITORY. 



OFFICERS: 
THOMxV.S HILLIIOITSE. President. 

FREDERICK D. TAPPEX, Yice-Pkes't. 
CHARLES M. JESUP,, Secretary. 

BEVERTA^ CHEW, Ass't Secretary. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



25^ 



THE SEABOARD NATIONAL BANK 

OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK. 

Designated Depository of the United States, State of Ne^v York. 
and City of New York. 

CAPITAL, $500,000. SURPLUS and PROFITS, $140,000. 





DIRECTORS. 



W. A. PUrXMAN. 

JOSEPH SEEP. 

HENRY M. CURTIS. 

SAMUEL Ci. BAYNE. 

T. WISTAR BROWNE. 

LEWIS II. SMITH. 

f\j| DANIEL O'DAY. 

WILLIAM A. ROSS. 

Tl-i S. G. NELSON. 
"1 

HENRY ALLEN. 

S. T. HUBBARD, Jr. 




W. A. PULLMAN, 

President. 



J. F. 



THOMPSON. 

Ass't. Cashier. 



.. G. BAYNE, S. G. NELSON, 

Vice-President. Cashier. 

C0E.E-ES:P01TX)E2srTS. 
Chicago, Merchant's Loan and Trust Co.; Boston, Boston National Baui; Philadelphia, 
Central ^ational Bank; New Orleans. State National Bank; Baltimore, Md., National Marine 
Bank; Charleston, S. C, First National Bank of Charleston. 

Collections 3iv^a.a.s :F'romptl3r a,3:xd. ^:co3n.oii3.ic3.11y 
An office is provided for the special u^e of Correspondents visiting the City. 
The Bank act.s as Reserve Agent for Binks t'lrougliout the country, and solicits corre- 
spondence of Banks, Bankers, Merchants, Corjiorations etc. 

Orders for the purchase of securities will receive careful attention, and be executed promptly. 
Special atten'ion is given to the deposit and exchange of Bonds at Washington for National 
Banks. 



26 



SOrrEA'I/i AND 



TUESDA Y, APRIL 30. 



The Committee of the Vestry of Trinity Church will meet the Presi- 
dent at the Vesey Street gate and escort him to the west porch of the 
chapel, where he will be received by the rector and the full Vestry. 
The President will then be escorted to the Washington pew, and on 
his withdrawal from the chapel the Vestry will escort him to the 
west porch, where he will be received by the Committee on Literary 
Exercises at the Vesey Street gate. 



Richmond %\mps Gut po. 1. 

(iiGfii^esses. 

Cigarette Smokers who are willing to pay 
a little more than the price charged for the 
oBDiNARY TRADE Cigarettes will find THIS 
BRAND superior to all others. 

THe RlcliioiKl SlralgM Cnt No, 1 Cigarettes 

are made from the brightest, most delicately 
flavored and highest cost Gold Leaf 
grown in Virginia. This is the Old and 
Reliable Brand of Straight Cut 

Cigarettes, and was brought out by us in 
the year 1875. 

BEWARE OF IMITATIONS and observe that the firm name as below is on every package- 

Allei & Giiter, MaDnfacUrers, Riclioil, Ya. 

ALSO MANUTACTUEEKS OF 

VIROINIA BRIOHTS CIGARETTES, 

AKD THE FINER GRADES OP SMOKING TOBACCO. 




OFFICIA L PROGRA MME. 



27 



TUESDA V, APRIL 30. 

The services at St. Paul's Chapel will be as follows : 

1. Processional Hymn. 

2. Our Father, &c. 

3. Psalm Ixxxv. 

4. First Lesson, Eccles. xliv. 

5. Te Deum. 

6. Second Lesson, St. John viii. 

7. Benedicite. 

8. Creed and Prayers. 

9. Address by the Rt. Rev. Henry C. Potter, Bishop of New 
York. 

10. Recessional Hymn. 



B LAIR'S P ILLS. 

GREAT ENGLISH REMEDY 

FOR 

GOUT AND RHEniATISM. 

SURE, PROMPT, AND EFFECTIVE. 

At all Drniisls In ttie OnlteJ States or 224 fllliani St. N. Y. 






This is a most excellent, article for cleansing 
and preserving the teeth. It hardens the gums, 
sweetens the breath, and beautifies the teeth. It con- 
tains no acid or harsh, gritty substance — nothing 
that can injure the enamel in the slightest degree. 



m MEEN Fyii.^ 

The Celebrated Chinese Skin 
and Toilet Powder, for restoring, 
beautifying, and preserving the com- 
plexion. Boxes a5c. Sold by all 
Druggists and Fancy Goods Houees. 



28 



SOUV^ENIR AND 



TUESDAY, APRIL 30. 

VIII. At the close of the religious services at 9.45 A. M., the 
President and party will proceed to the Sub-Treasury Building, at the 
corner of Wall and Nassau Streets, the scene of the Inauguration 
ceremony on April 30, 1789, where the literary exercises will take 
place. These exercises will begin at 10 a. m. 

Invocation by the Rev. Richard S. Storrs, D. D., LL. D. 
Poem In' John Oreenleaf Whittier. 
Orat'on by Chauncey Mitchell Depew, LL. D. 
Address by the President of the United States. 
Benediction by the Most Rev. Michael Augustine Corrigan, Arch- 
bishop of New York. 



HOTTsT TO BTJIIj^ -A. lEIOTJSE. 



For $1.00. 




Ifyoa arethlnklne of bnlldlneahonse yon onghttobaytbenew 
book, Palliser's American Architecture, or everv man a 
complete builder, prepared by Palliser, Palliser <fe Co.,"the w«U 
known architects. 

There Is not a Builder or any one Intending to Bnild or otherwise 
Interested that can afford to be without it. It is a practical work and 
eveivbody buys it. Tlie best, cheapest and most popular work ever 
issued on Buifdiog. Neai ly four hundred drawings. A $5 book io 
size and style, but we have determined to make it meet the popular 
demand, to suit the times, so that it can be easily reached by all. 

This book contains 104 pages 11 I 14 inches in file, and consists of 
Hrge 9 X 12 plate pages giving plans, elevations, perspective views, 
deicriptions, owners' unmes, actual cost oiconstructic n, no ^uess 
■work, and instructions How to Build 70 Cottages, Villas, 
Double Houses, Brick Block Houses, suilablo lor city suburbs, town 
and country, houses for the farm and workinemen's honies for all 
sections ol thecountrv, and co.ting from t;illllto *6, 500; also Barna, 
Stables, School Hou^e, Town Hall, ( hnrches, and other public 
buildings, together with specifications, form of con tract, and a large 
amount of information on the erection o( buildings, selection ol site, 
eniploymerit of Architects. It is worth $B.O0 to any one, but I will 
send it in paper cover by mail postpaid on receipt of $1.00; bound in 
cloth. t'i.OO. Address'alUtderjto J, ii, Otill.VIE, Fubi.ishib, 

r. U. Box 2767. i7 Rose St. Mew York. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



29 



TUBS DA F, APRIL jo. 



IX. At the conclusion of the literary exercises the President and 
members of the Cabinet, the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of 
the United States will be driven to the reviewing stand at Madison 
Square to review the parade. Other guests will be carried to the 
reviewing stands by a special train on the Third Avenue Elevated 
Railroad, which will start at Hanover Square and run to the Twenty- 
third street Station. 



JACQUOT'S 




o-EnsTTJiisrE 



B[ 




THIE BEST IlsT THE l^^^I^IE^ET. 



>0 SOUrENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



TUESDAY, APRIL 30 

X. While the literary exercises are taking place the military will 
move from the head of Wall Street and Broadway. The column, un- 
der Major-Gen. John M. Schofield, U. S. A., as Chief Marshal, will 
be composed of the Cadets from the Military Academy of West Point, 
the Naval Cadets from Annapolis, the troops of the Regular Army 
and Navy, and the National Guard of each State in the order in 
which the States ratified the Constitution or were admitted into the 
Union. These will be followed by the IMilitary Order of the Loyal 
Legion and the posts of the Grand Army of the Repulilic. 



CHAPTER IV. 



PROGRAMME OF THE CELEBRATION— THE GREAT 
PARADE AND THE BANQUET. 

TUF.SDA }', APRIL 30. 

XI. The route of the military procession will be from ^Vall Street 
up Broadway to Waverley Place, to Fifth Avenue, to Fourteenth Street, 
to Union Square, east, north, and west, to Fifteenth Street, to Fifth 
Avenue, to Fifty-seventh Street. 

The industrial parade will form above Fifty-seventh Street, and 
will march down Fifth Avenue to Fifteenth Street, to Union Square, 
north, east, and west, to Fouiteenth Street, to Fifth Avenue, to 
Waverley Place, to Broadway, to Canal Street. 

Procession moves at 10 a. m 



E. T. HiLLYER. 

Brv Goods Coipiission ¥ercliaiit 

Cotton and Silk Goods, 

JSTo. 50 Leonard St., - Ne-w York. 

Celluloid Novelty Company, 



SOLE MANUFACTURERS OF 



CELLULOID COLLARS AND CUFFS, 
Jemdmj, JiandhS, J^mhoideKi, zFancij So-odi, 

313 and 315 Broadway, New York. 

W. S. SiLLCOCKS, Fresidetit. C. L, Balch, ]'ice-President 

F. R. Lefferts, Strrt'tary and Treasurer. 



SOUVENIR AND 



TUESDAY, APRIL 30. 

The other stands will be as follows : 

1. On the west side of Fifth Avenue from Twenty-fourth to 
Twenty-fifth street. 

2. On the west side of Fifth Avenue from Fortieth to Forty-second 
Street. 

3. On the north side of Washington Square. 

4. On the east side of Broadway at the City Hall Park. 




Westminster Hotel, 

IRVING PLACE AND 16th STREET, 

^car Union Sfjuare, Stuyvesani jind (irajnei'cy Parks. 

Location centi-al and t'onvenient to all the larirc nstail ston-s and 
places of anmsement. 

W. G. SCHENCK, Proprietor. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



TUESDAY, APRIL 30 {EVENING). 

XII. The Centennial Banquet will take place at the Metropol' an 
Opera House at 6.30 p. m. 

XIII. At 8 p. M. there will be, at the reviewing stand, Madison 
Square, a free open-air concert of vocal and instrumental music, 
under the auspices of the German- Americans of New York. 



OF THE 

Royal Huiai[Ian Wine Celebs 

HAS REMOVED TO 

NE\A^ YORK. 



In ordering Hungarian Wines, be sure to see that the bottles bear 
the SEAL and label of the Royal Hungarian Government; guaran- 
teeing purity and quality. 

You will then be sure you are getting good pure wine. 

60 BROAD STREET, 

NEW YORK CITY. 



SOUVENIR AND 



TUESDAY, APRIL 30 {EVENING). 

XIV. During the evening there will be a general illumination of 
the city, and display of fireworks in the following localities : 

Tompkins Square, Canal Street Park, Washington Square, Union 
Square, Fifty-ninth street and Eighth Avenue, Mount Morris Park, 
East River Park (Eightieth Street), Washington Heights, and places 
in Twenty-third and Twenty-fourth wards not yet determined. 



OCEAN * HOUSE 

NEWPORT, R. I. 

J. S. Weaver ^ Sons, • • jfpoppiefors. 



EVERETT * HOUSE, 

UNION SQUARE, NEW YORK. 

John ®. Weaver, Jr. § So, . . Jfr-opractes. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



35 



1759 ^ i^^^Bbodt, ^iii -^ iggg 

( lluraiaale= aad = j Jecorale = lo - f elebrate 

^ THE t CENTENNmi ^ 



* OF THE * 

1 t 



To W(7^^ // ejftwtive and held in remembrance by the 
rising generation, use the 

\ 

Colored Illuminating Torches, 

Colored Illuminating Fires, Lanterns, 

Flags, Streamers; Burgees, &c., &c. 

^ OUR NEW ILLUMINATING CUPS ^ 

For Windows, Inside or Outside, Lawns, Boats, dc 

NO DANGER OF FIRE NOR DROPPING OF GREASE. THE EFFECT IS 
LIKE "FAIRY LAND!" 



FIRKWORKS 

Of Every Description and all kinds of Celebration Goods for 
July 4th and other Holidays. 

Sit W^HOIvESALE and REXAIIv. 

The UNEXCELLED FIREWORKS CO, 

9 and 11 Park Place, New York City. 

Pyrotechnists to the Centennial Inauguration of Washington. 



^6 SOUVENIR AND 



TUESDAY, APRIL jo. 

R. C. Gilchrist, Major Commanding the Washington Light In- 
fantry, of Charleston, S. C, as such commander, is the custodian of 
the William Washington battle-flag, the only Revolutionary standard 
in condition for use on parade. The flag was in the fight at the Cow- 
pens and Eutaw Springs. It antedates the Stars and Stripes, and has 
been honored at all the centennials, and will be brought on here by 
Major Gilchrist for his company. This flag will be distinguished by 
a post of honor in the Centennial parade escorting the President 
from St. Paul's Church to the United States Sub-Treasury Building, 
and saluting him on the grand stand at Madison Square. 



TO PUBLISHERS OF ALMANACS 
OTHER PAMPHLETS 

HAVING AN EDITION OF ONE MILLION COPIES OR MORE. 

Yoiir attention is especially called to the 

SUPKRIOR KACILnriK^ 

which I have for the above work. 



250,000 COPIES DELIVERED DAILY. 



WILLIiM GOW, 220, 222 Williai Street, New York. 



OFFICIA I. PROG K A MMK. 



TUESDA V, APRIL 30. 

The names of Gardiner Sherman, a great-grandson of Roger Sher- 
man, Arthur De Windt, Louis H. Livingston, great-grandson of Col. 
Morgan Lewis, Grand Marshal of Washington's Inauguration; T. B. 
Bleecker, Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, Jr., of Boston, great-grandson 
of Thomas Jefferson, and Brooke Adams, a great-great-grandson of 
John Adams, are among the list of ushers who will serve on the plat- 
form of the Sub-Treasury Building during the literary exercises. 




CIiocol£.Ie M^nuf£.clurer5, 



NEW YORK. 



eUARANTEE ALL THEIR MANUFACTURES TO BE 



-A.ZBSOH.TJTEII-.'S' I^XJFLEI. 



3S 



SOUVENIR AND 



WEDNESDAY, MAY i. 

XV. The Industrial and Civic Parade under command of Major- 
Gen. Daniel Butterfield, late U. S. Vols., Chief Marshal, will take 
place. The line of march will be from Fifty-seventh Street down Fifth 
Avenue to Waverley Place, upWaverley Place to Broadway, and down 
Broadway to Canal street. 

The students of Columbia College, and the College of the City of 
New York, 400 strong, will head an educational division in the second 
day's parade, and will be followed by 3,000 boys from the grammar 
schools of the city. 



GEO. H. MORRl 




MANUFACTURERS OF FINE 



Panting aqd Lithogi'aphic Iq^?. 



NEW YORK OFFICE, 17 VANDEWATER ST, 



BOSTON. CHICAGO. SAN FRANCISCO. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 39 



THANKSGIVING DAY PROCLAMATION. 

One of the later acts of President Harrison was the issuance of 
the following proclamation on April 5 : 
By the President of the United States of America. 

A PROCLAMATION. 

A hundred years have passed since the Government which our 
forefathers founded was formally organized. At noon on the 30th 
day of April, 1789, in the City of New York, and in the presence of 
an assemblage of the heroic men whose patriotic devotion had led the 
colonies to victory and independence, George Washington took the 
oath of office as Chief Magistrate of the new-born Republic. This 
impressive act was preceded at 9 o'clock in the morning, in all the 
churches of the city, by prayer for God's blessing on the Government 
and its first President. 

The centennial of this illustrious event in our history has been 
declared a general holiday by act of Congress, to the end that the 
people of the whole country may join in commemorative exercises 
appropriate to the day. 

In order that the joy of the occasion may be associated with a 
deep thankfulness in the minds of the people for all our blessings in the 
past, and a devout supplication to God for their gracious continuance 
in the future, the representatives of the religious creeds, both Chris- 
tian and Hebrew, have memorialized the Government to designate an 
hour for prayer and thanksgiving on that day. 

Now, therefore, I, Benjamin Harrison, President of the United 
States of America, in response to this pious and reasonable request, 
do recommend that on Tuesday, April 30, at the hour of 9 o'clock in 
the morning, the people of the entire country repair to their respective 
places of Divine worship, to implore the favor of God, that the bless- 
ings of liberty, prosperity, and peace may abide with us as a people, 
and that His hand may lead us in the paths of righteousness and 
good deeds. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States of America to be affixed. 

Done in the City of Washington this 4th day of April, in the year 
of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Eighty-nine, and of 
the Independence of the United States the One Hundred and 
Thirteenth. Benjamin Harrison. 

[seal.] By the President. 

James G. Blaine, Secretary of State. 



40 SOUVENIR AND 



THE PAST AND TtlE FUTURE. 



In tracing the Constitution through the different Administrations 
we have seen Jefferson himself yielding to the loose-construction 
theory in the purchase of Louisiana, Calhoun favoring a protective 
tariff in 1817, Jackson asserting nationality against the nullification 
tloctrine in 1832, the Democratic party supporting a fugitive slave 
law bringing the power of the Nation home to every citizen in 1850, 
and the final and conclusive demonstration of the Constitution's 
elastic strength during the Civil War, and even more conspicuously in 
the " reconstruction " which followed that war. We see now an inter- 
state commerce law on the statute books which involves marvelous 
extension of Federal powers and a persistent effort on the part of a 
large minority, which may at any tiine become a majority, to pass a 
bill bringing the telegraph system under Federal ownership and to 
extend aid and supervision to the educational systems of the States. 
It is apropos, after this review, to quote the language of Judge 
Cooley, written in 1880, which seems to offer a not unreasonable pro- 
phecy. He says : " The gradual energizing of Federal authority has 
been accomplished quite as much by the course of public events as 
by the new amendments to the Constitution ; and, however careful 
every Federal and State official and every citiaen may be to so per- 
form all political functions as to preserve, under all circumstances, 
the true constitutional balance of powers, and to sanction no uncon- 
stitutional encroachments, there can be no question that the new inter- 
ests coming gradually within the purview of Federal legislation, and 
the increase in magnitude and importance of those already under 
Federal control, must have a still further tendency in the direction in- 
dicated." 

However this may be, the real issue between political parties is 
likely to hinge on the question of centralization vs. localization 
of power for many years to come, just as it has hinged on that ques- 
tion ever since the first party contest took place in the United States. 
Only for brief periods will the parties be likely to change places. 
New Federalism is in the saddle just now. The Democracy of Jeffer- 
son, however, has not lost its vitality. If party struggles are lifted 
out of the realm of personalism and into that of principle no one 
will ever have any reason to fear for the future of this great Re- 
public. 



CHAPTER V. 

ORDER IN WHICH NEW YORK TROOPS MARCH. 

In accordance with the order of Governor Hill the National Guard 
of New York will move as follows in each of the Centennial parades : 

Governor Hill and Staff. 
Troop A, First Brigade — Captain Roe. 

First Brigade — Gen. Louis Fitzgerald, N. Y. 

First Battery — Capt. Louis Wendel. 
Second Battery — Capt. David Wilson. 
Seventh Regiment — Col. Emmons Clark. 
Eighth Regiment — Col. George D. Scott. 
Ninth Regiment — Col. Wm. Seward, Jr. 
Twelfth Regiment — Col. W. Barber. 
Twenty-second Regiment — Col. John T. Camp. 
Sixty-ninth Regiment — Col. James Cavanagh. 
Seventy-first Regiment — Col. Ford Kopper. 



41 



42 SOUVENIR AND 



Second Brigade — Gen. James McLeer, Brooklyn. 

Third Battery— Capt. H. S. Rasquin. 

Thirteenth Regiment — Col. David B. Austen. 

Fourteenth Regiment— Col. W. H. Michel. 

Twenty-third Regiment— Col. J. M. Partridge. 

Thirty-second Regiment — Col. L. Finkelmeier. 

Eorty-seventh Regiment— Col. Ed. L. Gaylor. 

Seventeenth Separate Company, Flushing— Capt.Thomas Miller Jr. 

Third Brigade— Gen. Amasa J. Parker, Jr., Albany. 

Si.xth Battery— Capt. L. L. Olmsted. 
Tenth Battalion— Lieut.-Col. W. E. Fitch. 



OFF/CIA L F/^OCKA MME. 



First Provisional Regiment, Lieut. -Col. Harding, 13TH: 

Fourth Separate Company, Yonkers, Capt. J. I. Pruyn. 

Fifth Separate Company, Newburg, Capt. J. T. Chase. 

Tenth Separate Company, Newburg, Lieut. W. J. Whited. 

Eleventh Separate Company, Mount Vernon, Capt. L N. Pressey. 

Fourteenth Separate Company, Kingston, Lieut. J. G. Van Etten. 

Fifteenth Separate Company, Poughkeepsie, Capt. Bert Myers. 

Sixteenth Separate Company, Catskill, Capt. A. M. Murphy. 

Nineteenth Separate Company, Poughkeepsie, Capt. W. Hauben- 
nestel. 

Twenty-third Separate Company, Hudson, Lieut. R. Reynolds. 

Twenty-fourth Separate Company, Middletown, Capt, C. B, Wood. 



SOUVENIR AND 



Skcond Provisioxai. Regiment, Col. Alex. S. Bacon: 

Third Separate Company, Oneonta, Capt. Walter Scott. 

Sixth Separate Company, Troy, Capt. Jas. W. Cusack. 

Seventh Separate Company, Cohoes, Capt. P. G. Tymerson. 

Ninth Separate Company, Whitehall, Lieut. T. A. Patterson. 

.Twelfth Separate Company, Troy, Capt. J. Egolf. 

Eighteenth Separate Company, Glens Falls, Capt. Jas. S. (iarrett. 

Twenty-first Separate Company, Troy, Capt. Saml. Foster. 

Twenty-second Separate Company, Saratoga, Capt. R. C. McEwen. 

Twenty-seventh Separate Company, Malone, Lieut. G. W. Crooks. 

Thirty-second Separate Company, Hoosick Falls, Capt. C. W. 
Eddy. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 45 



Third Provisional Regiment, Lieut.-Colonel J. A. Dennison, 

Seventy-First: 

Twentieth Separate Company, Binghamton, Captain H. C. Rogers. 

Twenty-eigiith Separate Company, Utica, Captain T. H. Remmar, 

Thirty-first Separate Company, Mohawk, Captain A. I. Budlong. 

Thirty-third Separate Company, Walton, Captain M. W. Marvin. 

Thirty-fifth Separate Company, Ogdensburg, Captain H. Holland, 

Thirty-sixth Separate Company, Schenectady, Captain A. A, Yates. 

Thirty-seventh Separate Company, Schenectady, Captain G. W. Mar- 
lette. 

Thirty- ninth Separate Company, Watertown, Captain J. R. Miller. 

Forty-fourth Separate Company, Utica, Captain D. T. Everts. 

Forty-sixth Separate Company. 



46 SOUVENIR AND 



Fourth Krigadk — (General Peter C. Doyle, Buffalo: 
Fifth Battery, Captain Michael Auer. 

Sixty-fifth Regiment, Lieut. -Colonei, John E. Robik: 

Thirteenth Separate C'(jnipany, Jamestown, Captain Henry Smith. 
Forty-third Separate Company, Olean, Captain C. G. Thyng. 

Seventy-Fourth Regiment, Colonel U. S. Johnson: 

First Separate Company, Penn Yan, Captain A. Gridley. 
Thirty-fourth Separate Company, Geneva, Captain William Wilson. 
Forty-second Separate Company, Niagara Falls, Captain C. B. Gaskill. 



OFFICIAL FKOGRAMME. 47 



Fourth Provisional Regiment, Colonel Samuel L. Welch, 
Sixty-fifth: 

Second Separate Company, Auburn, Captain W. M. Kirby. 
Eighth Separate Company, Rochester, Captain H. B. Henderson. 
Twenth-sixth Separate Company, Ehnira, Lieutenant F. R. Parke. 
Twenty-ninth Separate Company, Oswego, Captain H. H. Herron. 
Thirtieth Separate Company, Ehiiira, Captain R. Morse. 
Thirty-eighth Separate Company, Oswego, Captain F. M. Stearns. 
Fortieth Separate Company, Syracuse, Captain '\. M. Barber. 
Forty-first Separate Company, Syracuse, Captain W. B. Randall. 
Forty-fifth Separate Company. 



48 SOUVENIR AND 



The PROGRAiMMK Approvki). 

At a meeting on April 13 of the Executive Committee of the 
Centennial Celebration, Stuyvesant Fish, Chairman of the Committee 
on Entertainment, made a report regarding his visit to President Har- 
rison. He said that he had submitted the programme to the Presi- 
dent, who expressed his approval. 

It was arranged that the President, the members of the Cabinet, 
and the Justices of the Supreme Court shall leave Washington a 
little before i o'clock Monday morning, April 29, in a special 
train on the Pennsylvania road, and go through, so as to arrive at 
Elizabeth at 8 a.m. Monday, when the last car containing the Presi- 
dent will be taken off, in order that the President may breakfast with 
Governor Green at Elizabeth. 

The rest of the train will proceed to Elizabethport, where break- 
fast will be eaten in a special dining-car on the train. A special 
engine is to go back for the President and bring him from Elizabeth 
to Elizabethport, so that the entire party will be ready to embark at 
10 o'clock. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



49 



CLOSE OF THE 

e/ii»f 0:r)(2l rlTslopica:! * 



— AT THE- 



METI|0P0L1TAN OPEIjA HOUSE. 




y^cjcS^^^^ 



GLYOEROLE 

FOR OILING AND DRESSING 

Ladies' 1 Children's Shoes, &c. 

THE ONLY OIL PREPARATION IN EXISTENCE. 

Ladies need not ruin their fine shoes with Shoe Dressing. They can 
avoid it by using Glycerole. 



Specimen Testimonial : We recommend Glycerole as the 
best article for renovating worn shoes. F. O'NEILL, 

1172 and 1174 Broadway, New York. 



50 



SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 




DOG COLLARS 



AND 




FURNISHINGS. 



The Only Exclusive Maniilacturers of these Goods on Earth. 

Ifjedforid Fanci] \mh Co., 

44 AND 46 DuANE Street, New York. 

I. BREMER, President and Treasurer. 

This company commenced business in Massa- 
chusetts in 1878, and moved to New York City in 
1879. From the manufacture of $5,000 worth of these 
goods the first year, this business has developed 
into this stock company, who occupy the five-story 
building as above. They make all requisites for 
dogs, and supply 90 per cent, of the goods consumed 
in the United States, There isi 
not a village but has some of 
their thousands of styles of Dog I 
Furnishings, such as dog collars, harnesses, locks, 
leads, leashes, kennel chains, bells, blankets, coup- 
lings, brushes, combs, baskets and traveling bags, 
made out of gold, silver, copper, brass, velvet, cord- 
uroy, plushes, silks, harness and patent leathers, 
morocco, calf, alligator, and lizard skins. These 
igoods are warranted as to work- 
manship and material for their I 
I uses to the dealer, and if their | 
make is not kept by your dealers in your city write 
to them for illustrated catalogue. 







CHAPTER VI 



CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE ADOPTION OF THE FED- 
ERAL CONSTITUTION. 

The state of things out of which our Constitution arose was one 
well calculated to stir all patriot souls to their depths and to arouse 
in every honest bosom an ambition for something like a nation in 
whose politics, pettiness should not reign supreme, and m whose 
power, our own people and foreign rulers might equally be able to 
Confide. Anarchy was absolutely the only alternative for such an 
outcome of events. 

The "Articles of Confederation and of Perpetual Union," sub- 
mitted to the States by Congress in 1777, had proven a perpetual 
condonation of disunion. Upon these articles was based the system 

100 YEARS AGO THE PIANO INDUSTRY WAS IN ITS INFANCY. 
TO-DAY IS MADE 



I r)E: 




T 






Unexcelled in every quality essential in a 
First Class Instrument. 

The John Church Co., 

GENERAL FACTORS, CINCINNATI, O 

51 



SOUVENIR AND 



of o(,vernment under which so great evils had been developed and 
which was to be superseded by a system more worthy of the states- 
mansliip and the patriotism of America. 

There was no power in such a central authority to compel obe- 
dience to its laws, and, as Burke had wisely said: " Obedience is what 
makes government, and not the name by which it is called." Con- 
gress could enter into any sort of a treaty with any European power, 
and, except in the matter of laying import duties, every one of the 
States could throw that treaty to the dogs without violating the Articles 
of Confederation. It could do nothing for the regulation of commerce. 
It could make no navigation law to preserve for us the carrying trade. 
It could contract debts, but could not raise money to pay them. Its 
judicial authority was not respected by the States when any dispute 
arose, and there were no Federal courts to determine on the proper 
extent of Congressional jurisdiction. The States might laugh at its 
requisitions of men and money. They did. There was not one of 
them but at some time and in some fashion acted so as to throw con- 
tempt on the Confederation's Congress. 

Peace with Great Britain had not been fairly secured before the 
weaknesses of the American Congress made themselves felt. In the 
last great camp of the army at Newburgh, Washington found a gen- 
eral sentiment to the effect that Congress and the State Legislatures 
could not be trusted. Soldiers and ofhcers, who had borne the brunt 
of the Revolution's hardship, found their pay largely in arrears, them- 
selves in circumstances of destitution, and no source to be seen from 
which they might expect relief. It was not strange that such a con- 
dition of things should produce bitterness and disquietude. General 
Gates, not disinclined to increase his own prominence by fomenting 
agitation, was the centre of the cabal which Washington had to con- 
tend against. An address was circulated calling for a mass meeting 
of the veterans. It had been drafted by Major John Armstrong, 
aide-de-camp to General Gates, and ran in part as follows : 

" My Friends : After seven long years, your suffering courage 
has conducted the United States of America through a doubtful and 
bloody war, and peace returns to bless — whom? A country willing 
to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services i^ 
Or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your 
cries, and insults your distresses? Have you not lately, in the meek 
language of humble petitioners, begged from the favor of Congress 
what you could no longer expect from their justice ? How have you 
been answered ? Let the letter which you are called up()n to consider 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



to-morrow make reply. If this be your treatment, while the swords 
you have are necessary for the defence of America, what have you to 
expect when those very swords, the instruments and companions of 
your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no mark of military 
distinction left but your wants, infirmities, and scars ? If you have 
sense enough to discover, and spirit to oppose, tyranny, whatever garb 
it may assume, awake to your situation. If the present moment be 
lost, your threats hereafter will be as empty as your entreaties now. 
Appeal from the justice to the fears of Government, and suspect the 
men who would advise to longer forbearance." 

This was a direct attack upon Washington who, as a man of per- 
sonal means, had been charged with failing to sympathize with Ihe 
needs of common soldiers, and of those officers who had no private 
resources. The address was issued on March lo, 1783. The Com- 
mander-in-Chief succeeded in delaying the mass meeting until the 
15th inst. Then he appeared there himself, and Gates was in the 
chair. Washington made one of the few speeches of his life. He 
assured his comrades they could command his services to the utmost 
■of his abilities. At the same time he counselled faith in the justice of 
Congress and the integrity of the American people, and retorted the 
assault upon himself in the following language : 

" While I give you these assurances, let me entreat you, gentle- 
men, on your part, not to take any measures, which in the calm light 
of reason will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hither- 
to maintained. Let me conjure you, in the name of our common 
country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the 
rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national honor 
of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man 
who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord and 
deluge our rising empire in blood." 

The appeal of Washington was entirely successful. Provision 
was soon made for the army by an issue of certificates bearing inter- 
est at six per cent. This disturbance was ended. But the Father of 
of his Country had not failed to point out, even before the actual out- 
break of the storm, the causes which produced it, and the only course 
which could prevent its recurrence. He wrote to Harrison, Governor 
of Virginia, under date of March 4th : "From the observations I 
have made in the course of this war, — and my intercourse with the 
States in their united as well as separate capacities, has afforded 
ample opportunities of judging, — I am decided in my opinion that if 
ihe powers of Congress are not enlarged and made competent to all 



54 



SOUVENIR AND 



general purposes, the blood which has been spilt, the expense that has 
incurred, and the distresses which have been felt, will avail nothing; 
and that the bond which holds us together, already too weak, will 
soon be broken; when anarchy and confusion will prevail." 'J'his 
letter was placed among the public archives of Virginia. The same 
tone may be noted in nearly all the letters of Washington up to the 
period of the Annapolis Convention in 1786. On June 10, 1784, he 
wrote to Sir Edward Newenham: " This is an abounding country, 
and it is as fine as it is extensive. With a little political wisdom it 
may become equally prosperous and happy. Some of the States,, 
having been misled, ran rife for awhile, but they are recovering a 
proper tone again, and I have no doubt but that our Federal Consti- 
tution will obtain more consistency and firmness every day. We 
have, indeed, so plain a road before us, that it must be worse than 
ignorance if we miss it." 

New York's Legislature having rejected the impost of five per 
cent, laid by Congress, Washington wrote to James Duane from 
Mount Vernon (April 10, 17S5): "It is painful to hear that a State 
which used to be foremost in acts of liberality and its exertion to^ 
establish our Federal system upon a broad bottom and solid ground, 
is contracting her ideas and pointing them to local and independent 
measures, which, if perservered in, must sap the constitution of these 
States, already too weak, destroy our national character, and render 
us contemptible in the eyes of Europe, as we have it in our power tO' 
be respectable." 

On June 10, 1785, he wrote to William Carmichael : " Great Britain, 
viewing with eyes of chagrin and jealousy the situation of this 
country, will not for some time yet, if ever, pursue a liberal policy 
toward it ; but, unfortunately for her, the conduct of her ministers 
defeats their own ends ; their restrictions of our trade with them will 
facilitate the enlargement of Congressional power in commercial mat- 
ters more than half a century would otherwise have effected, The 
mercantile interests of this country are uniting as one man, to vest the 
Federal government with ample powers to regulate trade and to 
counteract the selfish views of other nations." 

A few months later (Dec. 11, 1785), Jefferson wrote from Paris tO' 
Monroe thus: " How goes on the disposition to confer the regulation 
of our commerce on Congress ? On this side the Atlantic, we are 
viewed as objects of commerce only, and, as little to be relied on, 
even for this purpose, while its regulation is so disjointed." 

It was going very slowly. An effort had been made in that 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 55 



direction, but it had not met with much success. England, as Wash- 
ington said, had provoked a spirit of resistance to her commercial 
aggressions that could not fail to end in something like Nationality in 
America. After the Revolution had ended, American merchants had 
made heavy importations of British goods. It is estimated that dur- 
ing the first year they imported more than the exports of three years 
could be depended upon to pay for. Large consignments of goods 
were also sent over to factors of English houses here. Running into 
debt for English goods became a National fault. But England did 
not propose to give the Yankees a chance to pay up, even in time, with 
exports. Her ruling classes hated America. In November, 1784, 
Jefferson had written : " Their hostility towards us has attained an 
incredible height. Notwithstanding the daily proofs of this they ex- 
pect to keep our trade and cabotage to themselves by virtue of their 
proclamation (of neutrality). They have no idea that we can so 
far act in concert as to establish retaliating measures." 

Such hostilities displayed themselves in English navigation acts and 
in protective duties against American goods. At the same time that 
our own manufacturing industries were crushed by the excessive im- 
portation of goods from England, our trade with the British West 
Indies was suddenly cut off. We could send them neither pitch nor 
turpentine, nor rice nor tobacco, and they could not buy ships from 
American yards. In a single year, Mr. Bancroft writes, the whale 
fisheries of Massachusetts had brought to their mariners $800,000 in 
specie. Most of the oil was sold in England, and now a duty of $90 
per ton was imposed. Cash and bills of exchange had to pay for 
our importations from England. The tradesmen and mechanics of 
New York City joined with the merchants of the Empire State in de- 
manding that the powers of Congress be extended, and the New York 
Legislature imposed a double duty on goods imported in English bot- 
toms. As a temporary measure, the State of Pennsylvania passed a 
law imposing import duties on a large number of articles in order to 
protect manufacturers, in spite of the decision of Philadelphia, given 
in town meeting (June 2, 1785), to the effect that "relief from the 
oppressions under which the American trade and manufactures lan- 
guished could spring only from the grant to Congress of full consti- 
tutional powers over the commerce of the United States," and " that 
foreign manufacturers interfering with domestic industry ought to bp 
discouraged by prohibition or protective duties." Massachusetts 
merchants and trarlesmen bound themselves by agreement at a meet- 
ing in Faneuil Had not to buy British goods of resident British fae- 



^6 SOUVENIR AND 



tors, and prayed Congress for immediate relief. The Bay State, to- 
gether with New Hampshire and Rhode Island, passed laws prohibit- 
ing the export of goods from their ports in English vessels. 

Virginia had early passed a law making a British creditor incom- 
petent to sue in her courts. Everybody in that State was hot m 
resentment of the course of England. Even Monroe, who was in the 
habit of standing, with Richard Henry Lee, against any pronounced 
extension of the powers of the general government, was in favor of 
giving to that government a perpetual grant of the authority to regu- 
late commerce. But he wanted to have the custom-houses run by the 
States, thought duties as well as navigation laws should be fixed by 
Congress, and to have the money taken in from import duties go into 
the State treasuries. These commercial regulations should only be 
decided upon by a vote of nine States. This plan, though presented 
in Congress, hung fire. South Carolina, Georgia, and North Carolina 
were very doubtful about it. They had no ships. There were ten 
other Stat.s, each of which was more or less interested in getting the 
carrying trade for American vessels. Maryland had a fine port, and, 
like Delaware, built many ships. Even if Virginia should oppose it, 
a monopoly in the carrying of Southern products might be voted to 
Norfhern ship-owners under this plan, Virginia would also have it in 
her power to prohibit the slave-trade, to which she was opposed, 
though South Carolina and Georgia were interested in it. Richard 
Henry Lee led the opposition. Gerry, Holten and King, of Massa- 
chusetts, disobeyed their instructions and followed him. Temporarily 
the opposition was successful. 

Negotiations with England for a reciprocal treaty were still going 
on. During this same year, Franklin, loaded down with years and 
honors, had gone to the Court of St. James, and had been presented 
to the King. He had said: " I shall esteem myself the happiest of 
men if I can be instrumental in recommending my country more and 
more to your majesty's royal benevolence, and of restoring the old 
good nature and the old good humor between people who, though 
separated by an ocean and under different governments, have the 
.same language, a similar religion, and a kindred blood." 

King George had replied: '■'■ I will be very frank with you. I was 
the last to consent to the separation, but, the separation having been 
made, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to 
meet the friendship of the United States as an independent power. 
The moment I see such sentiments and such language as yours pre- 
vail, and a disposition to give to this country the preference, that 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 57 

moment I shall say, let the circumstances of language, religion and 
blood have their natural and full effect." 

This was but the simple foxiness of a now worn-out and never 
very brilliant monarch. Franklin may have been deceived for a 
moment, but Adams, who had been in London during the recent 
past, knew better just what was to be expected from English diplo- 
macy. He had felt and fully understood the character of that hatred 
which Jefferson had noted toward America on the part of English- 
men. He saw as clearly as anyone could see, that in trade, as in 
other forms of national intercourse, cannons are the best peace- 
makers. He was convinced that the logic of a club was alone suited 
to impress on John Bull the fact that America could not be crushed 
by invidious commercial assaults after she had won her liberty on the 
battle-field. He wrote to Jay, in June, 1785: "I may reason till I 
die, to no purpose. It is unanimity in America which will produce a 
fair treaty of commerce." His negotiations with the younger Pitt, 
then Premier, in August, had no result. England had but one answer 
behind all the fine phrases of her representatives: "You can assure 
us of nothing but what we already possess, and of what we possess 
you can take away nothing. Your Federal system is a rope of sand. 
Your Congress is confessedly impotent. There can be no bargain 
when the concession is all on one side." 

France at the same time was complaining that she did not get 
what she ought to get of American trade. Her concessions to Jeffer- 
son, our representative at Paris, were grudgingly given, and amounted 
to little. The French threatened retaliation fo'' ihe navigation laws 
of New Hampshire, and of Massachusetts and Rhode Island. With 
Frederick the Great, of Prussia, one year before his death, we did 
succeed in forming a conveittion for ten years. It meant nothing, 
because the two countries had practically no trade relations. We also 
made a treaty with the Emperor of Morocco. Spain would not deal 
with us. And at every court in Europe the same bitter, because 
truthful taunt was flung at our representatives, hurled from the lips 
of monarchs, dropped from the honeyed tongues of diplomatists, 
pointed by the pens of cruelly candid writers on the European press, 
echoed and re-echoed even by the street gamins of Paris, and the steve- 
dores of the English capital, "Your Constitution is a rope of sand ! " 

At home there were several other controlling causes for constitu- 
tional agitation besides this need of power over commerce. It had been 
proven, as before stated, that the States might, or might not respond 
to the call of Congress for money. They had their own debts to look 



5« 



SOUVEJVJR AND 



out for, their own obligations to meet, their own credit to sustain. In 
most cases, the best men in each State were in favor of sustaining 
Congress, and of granting all Federal requisitions. But then, as now, 
the best men were not always in control of the State Legislatures. It 
was always easy to cavil at the form of a requisition, to object to the 
expenditures for which it was proposed, and then to use the power of 
taxation in such a way as to subserve some local scheme and indefi- 
nitely delay the payment of cash to the Federal Government. It hap- 
pened, therefore, that the treasury of the United States was very often 
empty. A government, without any way of reaching the people by 
taxation, will frequently find its treasury in that condition. But a 
government without money to pay even the pettiest of expenses, is in 
a shape that warrants the contempt of all sober thinkers, and makes 
it perpetually a spectacle to angels and to men. The providing of an 
adequate revenue for national purposes, seemed to be generally rec- 
ognized as necessary, and contributed largely to pressing on the pub- 
lic mind the need of a change of system. 

Proper provision for the settlement and development of the im- 
mense territory which had come into the possession of the Confedera- 
tion through the gifts of Virginia and other States, furnished an- 
other motive for action. Washington had early noted the possibility 
of territorial growth by the settlement of new States in the Northwest. 
In 1784 he spent thirty-three days in a tour through Western Vir- 
ginia and Ohio, in order to personally investigate the feasibility of an 
artificial highway to unite the Potomac and the James with the Kan- 
awha and the Ohio. He also thought seriously of a road uniting an 
affluent of the Ohio with the Cuyahoga river, making complete con- 
nection between the Atlantic seaboard, the mouth of the Mississippi, 
and the great lakes. He reported to Governor Harrison: "I need 
not remark to you, sir, that the flanks and rear of the United States 
are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones, too ; nor how 
necessary it is to apply interest to bind all parts of the Union together 
by indissoluble bonds. The Western States, — I speak now from my 
own observation, — stand as it were on a pivot ; the touch of a feather 
would turn them any way. They have looked down the Mississippi 
until the Spaniards threw difficulties in their way. The untoward dis- 
position of the Spaniards on the one hand, and the policy of Great 
Britain on the other, to retain as long as possible the posts of De- 
troit, Niagara and Oswego, may be improved to the greatest advantage 
ijy this State if she would open the avenues to the trade of that 
country." 



OFFICIA L PROG K A MME. 



59 



But the above explained impotency of Congress to deal with for- 
eign nations on equal terms, left the settlers along both banks of the 
Ohio subject to perpetual menace until the Americans should become 
a nation; in fact, they could do little through the medium of the 
State governments, or by means of the half tied hands of Congress 
to complete such communications as Washington had suggested, or 
to "apply interest to bind all parts of the Union together." 

Apart from the three causes above mentioned, there was one other 
which is entitled to rank with them. It was the necessity of preserv- 
ing good faith in interstate commerce by preventing any State from 
passing laws annulling the obligation of contracts. This was utterly 
beyond the power of the Confederation, but, in the state of general 
poverty existing after the Revolution, its necessity was soon generally 
felt. There was absolutely no security for the merchant of one State 
doing business in another. Connecticut was first to issue paper 
money, and first to try to get rid of it, and to neutralize the injury 
which it had invented on her credit. New Hampshire's Legislature 
never issued paper money after peace was declared. Rhode Island 
tried to keep it up as late as 1786, but her merchants closed their 
shops, her courts declared the law unconstitutional, and the people 
sustained them after a hard fight. New York, after once getting 
clear of Continental money, reverted to the same plan in the same 
year. In the Council of Revision, Livingston favored a veto, but 
such action could not be agreed on, and the law went into effect. In 
1786 also, New Jersey went back to this issue of paper money. One 
year before, Pennsylvania had emitted ^50,000 in bills of credit, and 
had annulled the charter of the Bank of the United States, because 
it refused to receive these bills at par. It had also provided for the 
payment of certain debts by yearly installments. Delaware called in 
all her paper money in 1785. Maryland issued ^30,000 in 1780, and 
passed several stay laws for the benefit of debtors, but refused to be- 
take herself to paper money again in 1786. Georgia stayed execu- 
tion in 1782, and having recalled all her other paper, redeeming it in 
specie at the rate of one thousand for one, issued ^50,000 more in 
1786. South Carolina took away the legal-tender quality from her 
paper in 1782, enacted a stay law, fixed a "table of depreciation," 
according to which debts could be settled, in 1783 ; arranged for pay- 
ment in four annual installments, in 1784 and in 1785, passed the 
"barren land law," notorious in the annals of such legislation, under 
which the debtor might offer any portion of his landed estate, and the 
creditor was compelled to accept it at three-fourths of its appraised 



6o SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

valuation. Virginia had emitted many millions of paper money dur- 
ing the earlier years of the Revolution. She redeemed it in 1781 with 
loan certificates at the rate of one thousand to one, and passed sev- 
eral stay laws. For a time debts were payable in tobacco, hemp, flour, 
lands and negroes. But this was stopped in 1782. An attempt to 
pass an installment bill in 1786 was a failure. But in this year taxes 
were allowed to be paid in tobacco. Washington wrote : " These 
and suchlike things are extremely hurtful . . . . for if we mean 
to be honest, debts and taxes must be paid with the substance and 
not the shadow." North Carolina issued ^^^^i 00,000 of paper money 
in 1785. Massachusetts went back to specie in 1782, although she 
had to pass several stay laws, and their repeal led to the rebellion 
of Daniel Shay and his followers in the Western part of the State 
(1786). This synopsis shows the importance of the fourth of the most 
important causes which led to the adoption of the Constitution. All 
together constituted an irrefragible chain of evidence in proof of the 
proposition that the choice lay only betweeen absolute anarchy and 
the creation of an imperishable Union of indestructible States. How 
the latter was established, as well as how it has been supported 
through all the presidential administrations, will be shown in the 
ensuing chapters. 



CHAPTER VII. 

SIGNERS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 

As has been conclusively shown in a preceding chapter, no body 
of statesmen ever assembled under conditions making more serious 
demands upon their patriotism, temperateness and unselfishness than 
those which confronted the members of the Constitutional Conven- 
tion, which was called to order in the state-house at Philadelphia on 
Sept. 17, 1787. Other centuries must come and go before even the 
most diligent and the most philosophical of historians can gain a com- 
prehensive view of the results which have sprung from the labors of 
that conventioa. Those results, even at present writing, have ex- 
tended far beyond the limits of our own continent. They are by no 
means confined in their beneficence to the English-speaking nations 
of the earth. India's countless millions join with the natives of the 
Emerald Isle in demanding "those powers of local self-government 

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K. T. Wilson, Edwaril King, James H. Ogilvie, R. G. Kemsen, 

Wm. F. Kussell, E. li. Wesley, 8. T. Fairchild, Edward Bchell, 

C. I). Wood, I). U. McAlpin, James T. Woodward, Ama«a J. Parker, 

James N. Piatt, George B. Carhart, George A Jarvis, Samuel ¥. Barger, 

I). 0. Hays, Chauncey M. Dejiew, C. Vanderbilt, Geo. C. Magoun, 
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Wm. Whitewright, Geo. C. Magoun, O. G. Williams, C. D. Wood, 

James McLean, D. C. Hays, E.B.Wesley, A. C. Kingsland. 

EDWARD KING, President. JAMES M. McLEAN, First Vice-President. 

JAMES II. OGILVIE, Second Vice-President. A. O. K0NALD80N, Secretary. 

A. W. KELLEY, Assistant SecretBry. 

Gl 



6-2 SOUVENIR AND 



which every State in the American Union possesses, and which Ire- 
land does not possess." France is just beginning to see in a consti- 
tution analogous to ours a remedy for those evils which have been 
baffling her most disinterested statesmen ever since the First Direc- 
tory. Every one of the South American republics has made our con- 
stitution its model rather than that great unwritten fundamental law 
of England, in spite of the fact that in reciprocal trade relations 
€very one of those countries is closer to Great Britain than to the 
United States. Australia has united with the Dominion of Canada 
in requiring from the mother country almost absolute autonomy in 
local affairs. From Alaska to the Argentine Republic, and from 
Cape Colony to the Shetland Isles, is accepted our demonstration of 
the proposition that E pluribiis tinum means nothing but the only 
perpetuity practicable for the rightful powers of the many. This 
leaven is still working. What has been done we can imperfectly 
analyze. What is to be, is beyond our ken. 

The men who forged this hammer which was to deliver mankind 
from oppression by breaking down forever the labyrinthine walls of 
that ancient superstition that law and order are incompatible with 
liberty, were excellent types of the American civilization of a hun- 
dred years ago. Of the lives of many of them, we have but little 
record. In some cases, dates of births are uncertain. In some, even 
the year of death is unknown. Often, the historian finds no trace of 
any public service performed outside of the convention. Some 
giants are noted, of course. Europe vies with America in honoring 
Franklin's memory. Washington's name adds lustre even to the 
work done at Philadelphia in 1787. No student of governmental de- 
velopment in general can ignore Alexander Hamilton ; and Patrick 
Henry, though not a signer of the Constitution, divides with James 
Madison, its great exponent, the honor- of having contributed most 
valuable suggestions while the convention was in session. Jay, too, 
though not a delegate, has a name inseparably associated with that 
momentous document. But the majority of the delegates are hardly 
known, even by name, to the average American. This is not as it 
should be. The following sketches are as full as the information that 
was at hand would warrant. They contain all known facts about the 
lives of the signers of the Constitution. Neither Washington nor 
Madison is included here, because biographical sketches of both will 
be found with those of other Presidents of the United States in an- 
other chapter. 

It would be unfair not to mention here some of the most prom- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 63 

inent members of the convention, who, for various reasons, did not 
affix their names to the Constitution after it had been drawn up. The 
document was, of course, a compromise. Ideas of those who finally- 
opposed it were conditions which its framers could not afford to over- 
look, and did not overlook. Divisions in the convention were on sev- 
eral different lines. Small States were jealous of large ones. Georgia 
and South Carolina were distrustful of New England Puritanism. 
New York had established a custom-house of her own, and had a 
direct selfish interest in keeping from the general government that 
power to regulate commerce, which was regarded as essential to it, 
by all the other States. Within each one of the commonwealths 
there was an issue between those who believed in absolute localiza- 
tion of power, and those who held to the theory of centralization. 
The latter difference was the one on which the division between Fed- 
eralists and Republicans was based, and which may fairly be held to 
have been maintained as the real issue between great parties under 
various party names up to the present time. It is not just, therefore, 
to condemn the men who failed to sign the Constitution, and those 
who opposed it in the various State conventions. Patrick Henry was 
one of the foremost of its opponents in Virginia. A purer patriot 
never lived. Edmund Randolph, one of the most valuable members 
of the convention, refused to sign. Elbridge Gerry, of Massachu- 
setts, did the same. He honestly believed that the rights of the 
people were inadequately guaranteed. George Mason, of Virginia, 
the intimate friend and neighbor of Washington, agreed with Gerry. 
Caleb Strong, of Massachusetts, Oliver Ellsworth, of Connecticut, 
William Churchill Houston, of New Jersey, George Wythe and James 
McClurg, of Virginia, John Francis Mercer, of Maryland, Luther 
Martin, of New Jersey, Alexander Martin, of North Carolina, and 
William Richardson Davies, of South Carolina, and William Pierce 
William Houstoun, of Georgia, did not sign because they were 
not present on the last day of the convention. 

The action of Yates and Lansing, of New York, in withdrawing 
from the convention, met with a large amount of contemporaneous 
criticism. It left Hamilton alone, without a vote, and disfranchised 
New York absolutely. But the characters of the delegates who went 
out do not warrant the theory that their motive was to flourish as 
demagogues on the sentiment in favor of keeping up New York's cus- 
tom-house at the expense of the permanent interests of the whole 
American people. It is more charitable to believe that, like Randolph 
and Mason and Gerry, they were sincere, though mistaken patriots. 



64 SOUVENIR AND 

This course, however, led to the new combinations in the convention. 
On the question of delaying the abolition of the slave-trade, and of 
slave representation, Maryland, Delaware, South Carolina, and 
Georgia were on one side ; Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connect- 
icut, New Jersey and Pennsylvania were on the other. Virginia and 
North Carolina held the balance of power after New York was left 
without a vote. The former was controlled by men who were opposed 
to slavery on principle. The latter was divided. With New York's 
vote in the affirmative, there is little doubt that the slave-trade would 
have been immediately abolished, and that each State would have 
had a representation based on its voting population. South Carolina 
and Georgia wanted a full representation of the slave population, and 
preferred no restriction of the trade. Virginia stood in the breach 
when New York had withdrawn. Her delegation, made up of men 
more devoted to the general interest than to the specific interest of 
Virginia, or of their own estates, men who commanded universal re- 
spect because of their talents as well as their unselfishness, were in- 
clined to consent to nothing which could be expected to endanger the 
future of the republic, or to throw doubt upon the consistency of 
those who were advocating liberty for all men. So the compromise 
was secured, which gave Congress power to stop the slave-trade in 
1808, though it left to the States all action with reference to the in- 
stitution of slavery within their borders. » 

It was decided, after much debate, not to leave the ratification of 
the Constitution to State Legislatures,because what one Legislature had 
accepted, another might, with equal propriety, reject. State conven- 
tions were to be called for the purpose of making such ratifications. 
Thus the people of each State, and not the State as a governmental 
entity, were to accept the Constitution. 

Debates in the Convention covered a great range of topics, and 
involved dissension on small as well as great matters. But as a rule 
they were thoroughly dignified in their tone. Mason, the Virginian 
opponent of slavery, was one of the most earnest debaters on the 
issue of slave representation. He was opposed from the bottom of 
his soul to any recognition of what he regarded as a National curse in 
the Nation's fundamental law. It is rather a curious fact that on 
this point he was met with the ironical opposition of Oliver Ellsworth 
of Connecticut, who thought any possible solution of this question 
better than anarchy. 

Here are the signatures of members of the convention exactly as 
affixed to the Constitution : 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



65 




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VWiZi. A)o(.n7rrfny 







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a^.^-^^^^^ 



66 SOUVENIR AND 




ci^^W^ 







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OFFICIA L PROGRA MME. 



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68 SOUVENIR AND 



RICHARD DOBBS SPAIGHT. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

Richard Dobbs Spaight was 
born at Newbern, North Caro- 
lina, in 1758. He was a son of 
weathy parents and was sent 
abroad at the age of nine years 
to be educated. He did not 
:*? return to his country until 1778 
i — two years after the Declara- 
' tion of Independence had been 
signed and the Revolutionary 
war begun. He was then only 
twenty years of age, but his sym- 
pathies were strongly aroused on 
behalf of the colonies, and he 
RICHARD DOBBS SPAIGHT. at oncc repaired to the camp of 

Gov. Caswell and joined the army. He was made one of the Gov- 
enor's Aids and participated with distinction in the battle of Camden. 
From 1 78 1 to 1783 he was a member of the State Legislature, and in 
the latter year was elected a delegate to Congress. He served in Con- 
gress until 1786, and was then chosen as one of the delegates from 
North Carolina to the Constitutional Convention. Spaight was the 
youngest of all the delegates who took an active part in the delibera- 
tions of that body. He was in favor of a presidential term of seven 
years instead of four, and proposed the election of United States Sen- 
ators by the Legislatures of the several States. Though not altogether 
suited by the form of Government at last determined upon, he sup- 
ported it warmly both in and out of the convention. He failed, how- 
ever, in 1788, to stem the tide of sentiment against the Constitution 
in his own State. After living for several years in the West Indies, 
in order to regain his health, he was Governor of his State for three 
years — 1792 to 1795 — and a member of Congress from 1798 to i8or. 
Beaten for re-election he was challenged by John Stanley, his successful 
competitor, and was mortally wounded in a duel on September 5th, 
1802. He died before the day was over. 




OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



69 



DANIEL OF ST. THOMAS JENIFER 

MARYLAND. 




Daniel of St. Thomas 
Jenifer was born in 1733. 
He was a native of Maryland, 
a colony which had been the 
first to accept those principles 
of religious equality upon 
which the new Constitution 
came to be so largely found- 
ed. Made up in large meas- 
ure of English Catholics, upon 
whom the ban of proscription 
had been laid by a State 
Church, the colonists of 
DANIEL OF ST. THOMAS JENIFER. Maryland had no desire to 
similarly persecute any other sect. Unlike the Puritans of Massa- 
chusetts, it cannot truly be said of them that they came to America 
in order to gain an opportunity of worshipping God in accordance 
with the dictates of their own consciences and of preventing other 
people from doing the same. Their logical liberality found a paral- 
lel only in that of Roger Williams, who had founded the Providence 
Plantations on exactly the same principles. In such a state of society, 
no section of the people bei rig barred out from participation in the 
honors of the state or in their emoluments, merit was sure to come to 
the front, and it is not remarkable that such men as Daniel of St. 
Thomas Jenifer made themselves felt. In brilliant statesmen Mary- 
land was not so rich as Virginia. But the men prominent in the 
politics of the former colony were remarkable for their God-fearing 
integrity. Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer was a man of liberal educa- 
tion, and had, even before the Revolution, been prominent in the 
politics of the colony. He served in Congress from 1778 to 1782, 
and was one of the most valuable members of that body. He was a 
regular attendant on the sessions of the Constitutional Convention. 
He died in 1790. 



yo 



SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 




m 



HUGH WILLIAMSON. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 

Hugh Williamson, of 
North Carolina, was born of 
Irish parents in Chester Co. 
Penn., in 1735. ^^^ early 
education was a thorough 
one, and after careful prepar- 
atory training he entered the 
College of Philadelphia, 
from which institution he 
graduated in 1757. He be- 
gan at once the study of 
Divinity, and secured a li- 
cense to preach, but as nearly 
;^.p^'&- as can be learned from the 

HUGH WILLIAMSON. fragments of his biography 

handed down to posterity, his work in the pulpit and in the parish was 
satisfactory neither to himself nor his friends. After much prayerful 
consideration of the subject he decided to study medicine, and car- 
ried out that resolve. In the work and the science of a physician he 
was more than ordinarily successful. Appointed Professor of Medi- 
cine in his own Alma Mater in 1760, he spent four years there and 
then went to Europe with the purpose of studying at Edinburgh, 
London and Utrecht. From the University in the latter city he ob- 
tained the degree of M. D. On his return to Philadelphia he soon 
secured an excellent practice, was chosen a member of the American 
PhilosophicaJ Society, and was one of the commissioners of that 
society to observe the transit of Venus in 1767. He visited the 
West Indies in 1772, and then went to London with the idea of pro- 
curing assistance for an Academy at Newark, N. J. While there in 
1774 he was examined before the Privy Council on the subject of that 
famous " tea-party in Boston Harbor." He settled at Edenton, 
North Carolina, in 1777, having gone there with a younger brother 
who was engaged in business. He was made Medical Director of the 
North Carolina forces in 1779, and was elected in 1782 to the House 
of Commons and afterwards to Congress, in which he served one term 
under the Constitution. He died in New York in 1819. 



CHAPTER VllI 



SIGNERS OF THE CONSTITUTION— Con/imied. • 

ROBERT MORRIS, 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert Morris, of Pennsylvania, 
born in England, in 1734 and was 
brought to this country by his father 
when a child. They settled first in 
Maryland, but afterwai'ds came to Phil- 
adelphia, when the boy entered the 
establishment of Charles Willing, a well 
known merchant, and was admitted to a 
partnership in 1754. The firm became 
the most prosperous importmg house in 
the colonies and was not dissolved until 
1793. No man made greater personal 
ROBERT MORRIS. sacrifices than Robert Morris in helping 

to secure liberty for America. The largest of importers he opposed 
the Stamp Act and signed the non-importation agreement. He was vice- 

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71 



72 



SOUVENIR AND 



president of the Committee of Safety, until the dissolutionof that body 
in 1776. Morris appears to have had some doubt as to the advisabil- 
ity of the Declaration of Independence. He voted against it first, and 
remained away from the session on July 4th, 1776. But on August 
2, when the engrossed copy of the Declaration had been received, he 
affixed his signature, in order to show that he had not been actuated, 
in his reluctance by any motives of personal expediency. During the 
Revolution, an Italian historian has said, that the Americans owed as 
much to the financial operations of Morris as to the diplomatism of 
Franklin, or the arms of George Washington. He was made Super- 
intendent of Finance in 1781, and in accepting the position, said, 
"The United States may command everything I have except my 
integrity." He used his own funds freely for the public service. 
The Bank of North America was established by him. He was chosen 
United States Senator in 1788, having declined the Secretaryship of the 
Treasury. Speculation made him poor, and he spent three years in a 
debtors' prison. He died in 1806. 



WILLIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON. 

CONNECTICUT. 

One of the most schol- 
arly members of the con- 
vention was William Sam- 
uel Johnson, of Connecti- 
cut. Born at Stratford, in 
1727, he was the son of a 
college President, who had 
resigned the management 
of King's College, N. Y., 
and graduated himself at 
Yale College, his father's 
Alma Mater, in 1744. Mr. 
Johnson studied law, and 
after his admission to the 
WILLIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON. bar distinguished himself 

by eloquence as a pleader, and effectiveness as a cross-examiner. His 
first official position was that of delegate in the Provincial Congress, 
to which he was elected in 1765. He lived in England as the agent 
of his colony from 1766 to 1771, was a judge of Connecticut's Su- 
preme Court from 1772 to 1774, and after the Revolution served in 




OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



7Z 



the Continental Congress from 1784 to 1787. In the Constitutional 
Convention Mr. Johnson was the first to suggest the Senate, an in- 
dependent legislative body, as a feature of the form of government 
to be adopted. He was a firm believer in the English theory, of a 
double-house Legislature, and his ideas were accepted. After the 
Constitution went into effect Mr. Johnson was made United States 
Senator from his State, and was one of the hardest workers in devel- 
oping the bill upon which the whole of the judiciary system of the 
United States is founded. He was President of Columbia College 
for eleven years, from 1789 to 1800. He died at a ripe old age, on 
Nov. 14, 1 81 9. 

JOHN LANGDON. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 



John Langdon, of New 
Hampshire, was 48 years of 
age when the Constitutional 
Covention met. A native of 
Portsmouth, he had only the 
advantage of a common-school 
education supplemented by a 
mercantile training that early 
made him one of the fore- 
most men in the commercial 
circles of his own colony. 
He was also one of the first to 
espouse the Revolutionary 
cause. With John Sullivan 
he assisted in carrying off the 



#v> 




JOHN LANGDON. 



military stores from Fort William and Mary in 1774. He was 
chosen a member of the Continental Congress one year later, but 
soon resigued to become a Navy Agent. Then he became speaker 
of the Colonial Legislature, and afterwards a Judge of the Court of 
Common Pleas. Mr. Langdon was a close personal friend of Gen. 
Stark, and pledged his own property to raise money for the expe- 
dition which resulted in the victory at Bennington. He served him- 
self in the army afterwards. In 1779 he was President of the State 
Constitutional Convention. He went back to Congress in 1783, and 
in 1785 was elected "President" of New Hampshire. After the 
document which made the United States a Nation had gone into ef- 



74 



SOUVENIR AND 



feet, Mr. Langdon was made Temporary President of the first Feder- 
al Congress, and in that capacity notified Gen. Washington of his 
election to the Presidency. As Governor of New Hampshire, and 
then as United States Senator, he maintained his claim to the respect 
of his fellow citizens. He declined the Secretaryship of the Navy in 
1811, and the Vice-Presidency of the United States in 181 2. He 
died on Sept. 18, 1819. 

ROGER SHERMAN. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger Sherman, of 
Connecticut, was a native 
of Newton, Massachusetts,, 
and was born in 1721. He 
represented the wisdom of 
the common people rather 
than the knowledge of the 
upper classes in the Con- 
vention. Mr. Sherman was 
a shoemaker by trade, 
and, because of the death 
of his father, had been 
compelled, at an early age, 
to assume the support of 
ROGER .SHERMAN. his mother and of several 

younger children. The spirit of study and of self improvement led 
him to fit himself for the position of County Surveyor, which he held 
for several years. He studied law long after he had reached middle 
life, and so great was his power of application, together with his nat- 
ural capacity, that he rose to be a Judge of the Supreme Court. He 
was terse, not ornate, in speech; and a cogent thinker. Mr. Sherman 
was one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and a 
member of the Continental Congress during the war. His work in 
codifying the laws of Connecticut in 1783 was of lasting service to 
the State. He signed the Articles of Association of Congress and 
the Articles of Confederation, as well as the Declaration and the 
Constitution; and is said to be the only man whose name appears on 
all four of those documents. Jefferson used to say of Roger Sher- 
man, that he never said a foolish thing in his life. Mr. Sherman died 
on July 23, 1793, at New Haven, Connecticut. 




OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



7S 



JAMES \VILSON. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

James Wilson, of Pennsylvania, was 
born in 1740, and was a native of Scot- 
land. He had had a thorough educa- 
tion in the greatest universities of his 
native country before he emigrated ta 
America in 1761, at the age of twenty- 
one years. He went first to New York, 
but finding that his classical acquire- 
ments were not fully appreciated there 
he removed, after about five years, tO' 
Philadelphia, where, for a time, he 
served as tutor in the City College. He 
JAMES WILSON. then studied law in the office of John 

Dickinson, and tried the practice of his profession in several smaller 
towns — Reading, Carlisle and Annapolis, without much success. He 

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76 



SOUVENIR AND 



returned to Philadelphia and was admitted to the bar there in 1778. 
During and after the Revolution he was for six years a member of 
Congress. He was a brilliant orator as well as a learned man, and in 
the Constitutional Convention made himself felt as one of the 
strongest men on the Pennsylvania delegation. In the State Conven- 
tion called to ratify the Constitution Wilson was a most prominent 
figure. His influence is sometimes credited with having prevented 
the rejection of the document by that body. Appointed as an Asso- 
ciate Justice of the United States Supreme Court by President Wash- 
ington, in 1789, he resigned in 1790 to take charge of the Law 
Department in the University of Pennsylvania. He felt that no 
man's energies could be better spent than in the instruction of youth. 
Like Robert Morris, James Wilson was reduced to financial ruin by 
land speculation. He was thrown into a debtor's prison on the suit 
of Pierce Butler, who had served with him in the Constitutional Con- 
vention. For months he lay there, broken in body and in mind, and 
when Mr. Butler finally ordered his release he died before it could be 
accomplished. His death occurred in 1798. 



JOHN DICKINSON 



DELAWARE. 

John Dickinson, of Delaware, was 
born in Maryland in 1732. His father was 
a man of wealth who had sent two older 
sons to be educated in England. Both had 
died there, and the father decided, for his 
youngest son, to be satisfied with the educa- 
tional institutions of the colonies. Soon 
after the Inrth of the latter, the family re- 
moved to Dover, Delaware. The son, after 
completing his scholastic training, studied 
law in the office of John Moland, at Phila- 
delphia, and then went to England, where 
JOHN DICKINSON. he spcut three years at the Temple, in 
London, to give himself greater familiarity with the common law. 
He returned to this country and began the practice of law in the city 
where he had first studied. He was sent to the Assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania in 1764, and in 1765 was a member of the general Congress 
which met in New York to protest against English tyranny, U\vo 




OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



77 



years later Dickinson published his " Farmer's Letters " on the il- 
legality of British taxation, which were so widely read and produced 
so profound an impression that their author soon took rank among 
the most effective of American writers. They were translated into 
French, and were also published in England with a preface by 
Benjamin Franklin. In 1774 Dickinson became ^i member of Con- 
gress. He refused to sign the Declaration of Independence in 1776, 
but took up arms in behalf of liberty in 1777, and was made a briga- 
dier-general in the service of Pennsylvania by Gov. McKean. He 
went back to Congress in 1779, in 1780 was elected President of 
Delaware, and in 1782 was made President of the Supreme Execu- 
tive Council of Pennsylvania. In 1785 he permanently removed to 
Delaware. His nine " Fabius " letters in favor of the Constitution 
were very effective. He died in 1808. 



■is -^-'- 



GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS, Of 

Pennsylvania, was born in 
Morrisania, N. Y., in 1752. 
He enjoyed the best edu- 
cation that the colonies 
afforded, and graduated 
with high honors from Co- 
lumbia College at the age 

V. of sixteen years. Then he 
studied law in the office of 
Wm. Smith, a well-known 
barrister, who afterwards 
became Chief Justice of the 
Province of New York. 
At the age of nineteen 

the Provincial bar. In 1775, 







GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 

years, in 17 71, he was admitted to 
after devoting a great deal of attention to public affairs, Mr. Morris 
was elected a member of the Provincial Congress, and three years 
later was sent to the Continental Congress. The delegates of New 
York were not empowered to sign the Declaration of Independence 
until after the meeting of the State Convention on July 9, 1776. On 
that day the convention, having received a copy of the Declaration, 
passed a resolution of approval, and directed Gouverneur Morris to 



78 



SOUVENIR AND 



write an answer notifying the delegates of this action. Mr. Morris 
was known as one of the earhest opponents of domestic slavery in 
New York State, and look a large part in drafting the Constitution of 
that State. In 1778, as a member of Congress, he was made a mem- 
ber of several committees on military supplies, and became a close 
personal friend of General Washington. Deserted by his own family 
because of his zeal in behalf of the patriot cause, he made up his 
mind to take up a permanent residence in Philadelphia. He lost a 
leg because of an accident in 1780. He was Assistant Superin- 
tendent of Finance under Robert Morris for three and a half 
years. In 1788, he went to France, and was the only member of 
the diplomatic corps who remained in Paris. On his return to 
America he was elected a member of the United States Senate 
from New York, after again becoming a resident of Morrisania. 
He died in 1816. 



\VILLIAM LIVINGSTON. 

NEW JERSEY. 

William Livingston, of New 
Jersey, was born in 1723, at 
Albany, New York. In company 
with a missionary, he spent 
some years of his boyhood life 
with the Mohawk Indians, but 
during that period his studies 
were not neglected, and at the 
age of a little over fifteen 
years, in 1837, he entered Yale 
College, immediately taking 
high rank in his class and grad- 
uating at its head. He studied 
law in the office of James Al- 
His circumstances were easy, and his 
law practice did not interfere with a great deal of literary work and 
political effort, for which Mr. Livingston was admirably adapted. He 
engaged in polemical controversies with the leading minds of his day, 
and his poems are among the most graceful, as well as the most spir- 
ited effusions of America's earlier literature. He did not go into 
political life until after his removal from New York to New Jersey, 
where he was elected in 1784 to represent the latter State in the Con- 




#v^ 



7/ 



WILLIAM LIVINGSTON 

exander, in New York City 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



79 



tineatal Congress. In 1775 he was made a Brigadier-General in 
command of all the New Jersey forces, and in 1776 was elected Gov- 
ernor, in which capacity it is related that he refused the position of 
Postmaster to a certain applicant because the latter had refused to 
-accept Continental money. During the Revolution the biting sarcasm 
of Livingston's pen exasperated the Tories, and many unavailing ef- 
forts were made by British troops to seize his person. In 1785 he 
declined the appointment by Congress as Minister to Holland. After 
1787 he was again chosen Governor of New Jersey, and died in 
1790 while holding that office. 




JONATHAN DAYTON. 

NEW JERSEY. 

Jonathan Dayton, of 
New Jersey, was born in 
1760, at Elizabethtown, in 
that colony. He was, of 
course, a mere boy at the 
time the Revolutionary war 
began, but he came of good 
old Revolutionary stock, and 
his father, Elias Dayton, was 
i'\ one of the first of the New 

-- Jersey patriots to fling down 
the gauntlet of resistance to 
%- royal oppression. The lat- 

ter entered the army of 
JONATHAN DAYTON. Washington and was one of 

the General's most trusted lieutenants. He rose to the position of 
colonel, and then to that of general in a very short time. His valor 
as well as his coolness was displayed upon the field at Brandywine, 
at Germantown and at Monmouth. Jonathan, his son, in spite of his 
youth, insisted on going into the army, and did his own share of 
the fighting, undergoing, at the same time, all the hardships and pri- 
vations that fell to the lot of a private soldier. He was popular with 
all who came in contact with him, and a young man of great steadi- 
ness of purpose, as well as of ardent patriotism. After the war was 
over, Jonathan Dayton came uito prominence in civic life, and was 
chosen to a number of oftices of strictly local importance, which, 
nevertheless, brought out into full relief the confidence which his 



80 SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

neighbors felt in him. His work in the Constitutional Convention 
was hard and faithful, though his position was not that of a leader. 
In 1 791 he was sent to Congress as a Federalist. For four years, 
from 1793 to 1797, he was Speaker of the House, and was then cho- 
sen United States Senator. His death occurred in 1824. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

SIGNERS OF THE CONSTnVTlON.—Con/tnued. 




GUNNING BEDFORD. 



GUNNING BEDFORD. 

DELAWARE. 

Gunning Bedford, Jr., of Delaware, 
was a native of Philadelphia, and was born 
in 1747. He was of pure English descent, 
and a man of considerable influence in the 
little colony to which he removed. He 
had enjoyed a good education at one of the 
smaller colleges which had sprung up in 
New Jerse}', having graduated from Nas- 
sau Hall in 1771, with the highest honors 
of his class. Very little else is known about 
Bedford's youth, but it would not appear 
that he was a precocious boy, for he must 
have been twenty-four years of age at the 
time he received the degree of Master of Arts, and before he was able 
to begin his study of the law. He went at once into an office in Phil- 
adelphia, which might fairly be regarded as the centre of legal culture 
at that period, and which had at its bar men fully the equals of those 
great lawyers who made the same period illustrious in the mother 
country. After admission to the bar, Bedford soon took up his resi- 
dence in Delaware, and it was not long before he had secured a first- 
class practice. He was a sterling patriot throughout the Revolutionary 
period, and was chosen by his fellow citizens to several places of 
trust: Attorney-General, member of the Legislature, and 'member of 
Congress. He had the confidence of Washington, and after the adop- 
tion of the Constitution was appointed by the latter as the first Judge 
of the District Court of the United States for the district of Dela- 
ware. He was an exemplary man in every way, and one who com- 
manded the universal respect of those who knew him. Bedford held 
the ofifice of District Judge until his death, which occurred in 1812, 
just before the beginning of the second war with England. 

81 



82 SOUVENIR AND 




CHARLES PINCKNEY. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Charles Pinckney, of 
South Carolina, was born at 
Charleston in 1758. He re- 
ceived as good an education 
as his native town afforded, 
and then studied law in the 
office of his father. He was 
chosen a member of the 
State Legislature in 1779, 
and one year later was made 
a prisoner by the British 
forces. He too experienced 
the harshest treatment from 
/ ' [,' his captors. Sent to St. Au- 

CHARLES PINCKNEY. gustiuc, Fla., soon after his 

capture, he was for a considerable time confined on board a prison- 
ship. After the war had ended, he returned to the Charleston bar, 
but in 1785 was chosen to represent his State in Congress, a position 
which he held for three years. During that period he served as a 
member of the Constitutional Convention with great honor to himself 
and with credit to his State. A form of government, drawn up by 
Charles Pinckney, was one of the sources from which the Constitution 
was compiled, and it may fairly be said that he showed greater 
powers of constructive statesmanship than any other of the distin- 
guished men who made up the South Carolina delegation. In the 
State Convention, called to ratify the Constitution, he was one of the 
ablest speakers in its favor. He was chosen Governor in 1789, 
and in 1790 was President of the Constitutional Convention. He 
served as Governor until 1798, and was then elected to the United 
States Senate. In 1801 he was made minister to Spain. In 1805 he 
returned to America and was at once elected to the State Legislature, 
and then to the Governorshii-). In 1818 he became a member of 
Congress and was an active opponent of the Missouri Compromise, 
against which he made a speech which was regarded by his colleagues 
as the most effective of his life. He died in 1S24. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



WILLIAM FEW. 



GEORGIA. 




William Few, of Georgia, was a 
native of Maryland, and was born in Bal- 
timore County, in T748. When he was ten 
years of age his father's family removed 
to the State of North Carolina. His 
early youth was hampered by the severest 
influences of poverty, and he was given 
the advantage of only a year's attendance 
at the village school. The son of a farmer, 
he was expected to give all his time to the 
daily tasks laid out for him, and no boy of 
the time ever struggled harder for an op- 
portunity to improve himself. The Sooks 
WILLIAM FEW. that camc into his hands were very few, 

but moved by an insatiable anxiety to learn, he spent all of his spare 
time in study. He used to attend the sessions of the County Court 
when he could get a chance to do so, and it was there that he gained 
the first rudiments of legal knowledge. In 1776 he removed to 
Georgia, and soon afterwards was chosen a member of the Executive 
Council. He joined the militia force of Georgia when the State was 
invaded and was made Lieutenant-Colonel of a Richmond County 
regiment. From 1778 to 1780 he was a member of the State Legis- 
lature, and then served in Congress until 1783. He was re-elected to 
Congress in 1786, and in the same year chosen a member of the Con- 
stitutional Convention. He served as United States Senator from 
Georgia from 1789 to 1793. He then began the practice of law, and 
in 1799 decided to remove to the State of New York, when he took 
up his residence at Fishkill. From 1801 to 1804 he served in the 
Legislature of the Empire State. He died in 1828. 



84 



SOUVENIR AND 




JARED INGERSOLL. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Jared Ingersoll, of Penn- 
sylvania, was born in 1750, at 
New Haven, Connecticut. He 
was the son of one of the most 
ardent patriots of the land of 
steady habits, and after receiv- 
ing a thorough education, had 
spent some years in England in 
the study of his profession. He 
- early showed talents calculated 
to make him a leading light at 
the bar, and his eloquence was 
famed throughout the country, 
when at the age of 28 years, in 
1778, he was induced to remove to Philadelphia. Mr. Ingersoll did 
not hesitate to avow himself an adherent of the Colonial cause, and 
he was one of the numerous solid men of Philadelphia who gave to 
the patriotic party in that city a social standing far superior to that 
which it enjoyed in New York or even in Boston. He did not at first 
approve of the idea of absolute independence from Great Britain, 
but the logic of events soon brought him over to that side of the 
question. He never held any position in connection with the gen- 
eral government, either before or after the sessions of the Constitu- 
tional Convention. He never held any other place in any popular or 
representative body. In that Convention he spoke but little. When 
he said anything it was on behnlf of the Hamiltonian theory of gov- 
ernment so generally favored by the Pennsylvania delegates. Mr. 
Ingersoll is looked upon as having been the best lawyer of his time 
in the management of a jury trial. He was the first Attorney Gen- 
eral of Pennsylvania, and held the place under Gov. Mifflin for nine 
years. For a short time he was President of the District Court of 
Philadelphia. He died in 1822. 



JARED INGERSOLL. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



85 




NATHANIEL GORHAM. 



NATHANIEL GORHAM. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Nathaniel Gorham, of Massachusetts, 
was born at Charlestovvn in 1738. He at- 
tended the common schools, but did not 
receive a university education, and early 
entered business in his native town. He 
won the esteem of his fellow citizens, and 
was made a Town Councillor in 1771 at a 
time when the spirit of resistance to tyranny 
was just beginning to ferment in the bosom 
of the Bay State men, preparing them for 
the stirring events of Concord and Lexing- 
ton and Bunker Hill. Then Mr. Gorham 
became a member of the Legislature, and 
afterwards a member of the State Board of 
War, in which he took an active part in raising resources for carry- 
ing on the war. He was a delegate to the State Constitutional Con- 
vention in 1779, and President of Congress from 1785 to 1787. In 

Beadleston • &• Woerz, 

Ales, Porter, 

and Lager Beer, 

Empire Brewery, 

29 1 West loth Street, Nev*^ York. 

—17 



86 



SOUVENIR AND 



the Constitutional Convention he played an important part owing to 
the desire of General Washington to take part in debate upon the 
floor. The latter asked Mr. Gorham to take the chair while the 
body was in Committee of the Whole. For three months the Massa- 
chusetts delegate proved himself an efficient, firm and temperate 
presiding officer, and justified the trust reposed in him by the great 
Virginian. After the work of the Convention was over Mr. Gor- 
ham did good work in securing the adoption of the Constitution by 
his own State. He was elected a judge of the Court of Common 
Pleas, and retained that office until his death on June n, 1796. 



NICHOLAS OILMAN. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

The youngest member of the Conven- 
tion was Nicholas Gilman, of New Hamp- 
shire. He was born in 1762, and was a 
I son of Nicholas Gilman, State Treasurer of 
'U New Hampshire. Mr. Gilman, though 
|j)but 25 years of age, impressed himself 
'upon his colleagues in the Constitutional 
Convention by his grasp of the questions 
uivolved, as well as by the fervency of his 
patriotism. He was at that time a lawyer 
ui first-rate practice in his own State, and 
IS said to have been one of the best in the 
country. Those who saw him for the first 
time, thought him only a boy. His face 
had none of the hardened lines of mature manhood, but when he 
took part in conversation or in debate everyone was surprised at the 
comprehensive knowledge and sound sense displayed by this youth- 
ful son of the Granite State. A mere child at the time when the 
Revolutionary Rubicon was passed in 1776, he had about him none 
of the traditional feelings of a man who had once owed allegiance to 
an English King. He represented Young America in what may now 
be regarded, in the light of results, as the greatest of all the deliber- 
ative bodies whose sessions are mentioned in the world's history. Mr. 
Gilman was elected to the First Federal Congress, and served in the 
capacity of Congressman till 1797. In 1805 he became United States 
Senator, and held that position until his death, which occurred at the 
age of 52 years, on May 2, 1814. 




NICHOLAS OILMAN. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



87 




WILLIAM PATERSON. 

NEW JERSEY. 

William Paterson, of New Jersey, 
was born in Ireland in 1744. He was but 
two years of age when his parents came to 
America. They settled at Trenton, and it 
was there that tlje early youth of their son 
was passed. He attended the public 
schools at Trenton, and afterward at Prince- 
ton and Raritan, now known as Somerville, 
A'^o which the family successively removed. 
\ Then he went to Princeton College, and in 
1763 graduated with high honors. He 
studied law with Richard Stockton, one of 
WILLIAM PATERSON. the sigucrs of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, and soon secured a good practice. He was elected a member 
of the Continental Congress in 1775 and became the Attorney 
General of his State one year later. Elected a member of Congress 
again and then re-elected, he resigned in 1783 to return to his legal 
work. He was looked upon as leader among the delegates of New 
Jersey to the Constitutional Convention, and was the sponsor of that 
*' New Jersey " form of Government which was finally adopted with 
modifications, and which preserved the sovereignties of the States, in 
contradistinction to the "Virginia" plan, which was offered by Ed- 
mund Randolph, and which, in effect, established a national and 
centralized government. After the adoption of the Constitution, Mr. 
Paterson was elected United States Senator, then Governor of the 
State, and at length was appointed a Judge on the bench of the 
United States Supreme Court, which position he was filling at the 
time of his death in the year 1806. 



88 



SOUVENIJ^ AND 




RICHARD BASSETT„ 

DELAWARE. 

Richard Bassett was the only mem- 
ber of the Delaware delegation to the 
Constitutional Convention who was born 
in the territory now comprised in that 
State. He was, like Bedford, a lawyer 
in good practice, at the beginning of the 
Revolution, and was a member of Con- 
gress during the Confederation period. 
Bassett was for a long time in close cor- 
respondence with the most prominent 
men of his day, and from 1783 up to the 
adoption of the Constitution, his corre- 
RiCHARD BASSETT. spondcuce had borne upon the topics so 

close to the hearts of all real statesmen of that age — the establish- 
ment of a more satisfactory form of Union. Like Washington and 
Hamilton and Franklin, he was deeply impressed with the dangers to 
be anticipated from the laxness of the Confederation. He was made 
one of the Delaware Commissioners to the Ananpolis Convention of 
1786, and there had an opportunity to personally compare views with 
those men whom he had corresponded with. Li the Constitutional 
Convention he devoted most of his energies to securing for Dela- 
ware and other small States an equal representation in the Senate of 
the United States. He was elected United States Senator, but re- 
signed to take the place of Chief Justice of the State Court of Com- 
mon Pleas. As a Presidential elector, in 1797, he cast his vote for 
John Adams, the Federalist candidate. From 1798 to 1801 he was 
Governor of his State. He then became a United States Circuit 
Judge. Richard Bassett's daughter married James A. Bayard, after- 
wards a United States Senator, and he was, therefore, a direct an- 
cestor of the historic family of Bayards, to which ex-Secretary of 
State Bayard belongs. He died in 18 15. 



OFF I CI A L PROG R A MM£. 



89 



ABRAHAM BALDWIN 



GEORGIA. 




Abraham Baldwin, of 
Georgia, was a native of 
Connecticut, born in 1754. 
He fitted for college in the 
village school, and entered 
Yale College in 1768, grad- 
uating therefrom in 1772. 
From 1775 to 1779 he ser- 
ved as tutor in the same in- 
stitution, and in 1781 de- 
clined both the Professor- 
ship of Divinity and the 
position of College Pastor. 
ABRAHAM BALDWIN. For a vcry short time he 

was chaplain of a regiment in the Colonial army. He opened a 
school of his own and spent all the time he had to spare in studying 
law. His emigration to Georgia took place in 1784, and soon after 
securing citizenship there, he was admitted to the bar. That he made 
friends very rapidly among his new neighbors is attested by the fact 
that he was elected to the Legislature within three months after his 
admission to the bar. In the Legislature he introduced a bill to in- 
corporate the University of Georgia at Milledgeville, and on the cam- 
pus of that institution he shares with John Milledge, its founder, the 
honor of a marble pillar erected to commemorate their services. 
For a time Baldwin was president of the college. In 1785 he was 
elected to Congress. He was a warm friend of the Constitution, but 
after it had been adopted became a member of the Strict-Construction 
or Democratic Party. He served in Congress till 1799, and in the 
United States Senate until 1807. The poet Joel Barlow was a brother- 
in-law of Baldwin, and Henry Baldwin, a Judge of the United 
States Supreme Court, was his half-brother. Senator Baldwin appears 
to have enjoyed the universal confidence of the people of Georgia. 
He died at Washington on March 4, iJoy. 



CHAPTER X. 

SIGNERS OF THE CONSTITUTION.— Ct^w/Zw^^aT. 

JOHN RUTLEDGE. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 




N^^ 



JOHN RUTLEDGE. 



John Rutledge, of South 
Carolina, was born in 1736, 
and was the son of parents 
who had come to this countrj^ 
from Ireland. Of all the rep- 
resentatives of the South he 
was the most eloquent, and 
his influence on the Constitu- 
tional Convention was a pos- 
itive one. He had had an 
excellent classical education, 
and had studied law in the 
Temple in London before he 
settled down to legal practice 
in Charleston, where he 



soon secured a large and influential clientage. He was chosen a 
member of the Congress that met in New York in 1765, and in that 
body was one of the most fearless as well as one of the most effective 
speakers in denuncation of the Stamp Act and of all similar forms 
of British oppression. His next appearance in public life v/as in the 
capacity of a member of the Continental Congress in 1774. For two 
years he held this position, but the time was coming when his State 
could make even better use of such a man as Rutledge. Elected 
President and Commander-in-Chief of the forces in South Carolina 
he wrote the famous note to Col. Moultrie in command of Sullivan's 
Island: "General Lee wishes you to evacuate the fort. You will 
not, without an order from me. I would sooner cut off my hand than 
write one." He was elected Governor under the new Constitution in 
1778, sent to Congress in 1782, and declined the position of Minister 
Plenipotentiary to Holland in 1783. Under the Federal Constitution 
Rutledge was made, in 1789, a Justice of the United States Supreme 
Court. He resigned to become Chief Justice of South Carolina, and 
was afterwards appointed Chief Justice of the United States. He 
died in 1800. 

91 



92 



SOri'EA^lJ^ AND 



PIERCE BUTLER. 




SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Pierce Butler, of South 
Carolina, a younger son of 
Sir Richard Butler, Bart., and 
Member of Parliament for Car- 
low, Ireland, was born in Ireland, 
in 1744. When only eleven 
years of age he received his com- 
^^ mission as lieutenant in His Maj- 
esty's regiment, the 22d' Foot. 
This was a common enough cus- 
tom at the time, and was a favor- 
ite way of providing for younger 
sons. Although it probabl)' af- 
^' -^v '^'"''*^^ '^ fected the educational advan- 

piERCE BUTLER. tagcs of the child thus favored, 

there is no reason to believe that a military career was alien to Pierce 
Butler's early ambition, for in 1760, at the age of sixteen years, he 
began to discharge the functions of his lieutenancy, and one year 
later became a captain. In 1762 he exchanged into the 29th Foot, 
with the rank of major. Stationed for several years in America, he 
married a daughter of Col, Middleton, and, ha\*ing contracted a fond- 
ness for the climate of South Carolina, he sold his commission and 
settled there in 1773. He took an active part in the politics of the 
colony after the Revolution and was elected to Congress in 1787, as 
well as to the Constitutional Convention. In the deliberations of the 
latter body he was a warm advocate of the Virginia plan. He was 
also impressed with the idea that representation should be based upon 
wealth rather than upon numbers. He was elected to the United 
States Senate in 1789 and held that position until 1796, when he 
resigned. He accepted a re-election in 1802, but again resigned two 
years later. In the Senate he was an active opponent of the Wash- 
ington administration, and was one of the first to raise the standard 
of the Jeffersonian party in opposition to Federalism. He was one 
of the Democrats who voted for the Jay treaty. Pierce Butler died 
in 1822. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMMF. 



93 



DANIEL CARROLL 




r/A 



DANIEL CARROLL. 



MARYLAND. 

Daniel Carroll, of 
Maryland, was born in 1756, 
and his family owned the 
" Duddington " Estate, com- 
prised within the present 
limits of the city of Washing- 
ton. His education was a 
classical one, and at the 
close of his studies he re- 
tired to his farm, devoting 
his efforts to the improve- 
ment of customary methods 
of agriculture. It is not 
known that he took any part 
in public life until his elec- 
tion to the Continental Congress from Maryland in 1780. He 
appears to have been little stirred up by the earlier events of the 
Revolution. The Declaration of Independence and the rallying of 
all Americans to resist measures taken by King George's forces, to 
bring the country into submission, seem to have little affected the life 
of this Maryland farmer, upon and around whose homestead was to 
be built up the Capital City of the New World. It is hard to believe 
that, had he been gifted with prophetic vision, he would so coldly have 
surveyed the movements of his fellow patriots all over the colonies, 
for his future life leaves no reason to doubt the genuineness of Daniel 
Carroll's patriotism. He served in Congress until 1784, and it be- 
came his duty to submit to that body the resolutions of the State of 
Maryland's Legislature, assenting to the Articles of Confederation. 
He thus became one of the signers of that document.' Elected a 
member of the Constitutional Convention he is not known to have 
taken any active part in the origination of the scheme of government 
evolved from its sessions. But after that scheme had been deter- 
mined upon he was one of the most ardent supporters of the Consti- 
tution, and, together with McHenry, labored with all his power to 
bring about its adoption by his native State. He served in Congress 
from 1789 to 1791, and then was one of the commissioners to fix the 
site of the Federal Capital City. He died in 1829. 



94 



SOUVENIR AND 



JAMES MCHENRY. 




JAMES MCHENRY. 



MARYLAND. 

James McHenry, of Mary- 
land, was born in 1753. He 
was a native of Ireland, and 
did not come to America until 
1 77 1. He then took up the 
course of study at the New- 
- ark Academy of Delaware, 
then one of the best schools in 
the colonies. He then studied 
medicine under Dr. Benjamin 
Rush, of Philadelphia, and in 
the office of the latter he first 
met Gen. Washington. The 
closest personal friendship at 
once sprang up between the 
young Irishman and the distinguished Virginian. The former fol- 
lowed his chief to the camp at Cambridge, and in 1776 joined the 
army as assistant surgeon. He then became a. hospital director, 
and was afterwards commissioned as Surgeon of the Fifth Pennsyl- 
vania Battalion. On May 15, 1778, McHenry was appointed Secre- 
tary to the Commander-in-chief, and from that time he became the 
confidential friend of Washington. In 1780 he was transferred to 
the staff of Lafayette, and one year later was elected to the Senate 
of Maryland. In 1783 he was sent as a delegate to Congress, and 
until 1786 held the dual position of State Senator and Congress- 
man. McHenry was one of the most regular attendants on the ses- 
sions of the Constitutional Convention, but he took little part in the 
debate there. After the document had been presented to the States, 
however, he made the most earnest and most successful efforts to 
have it adopted by Maryland, and carried the day in spite of some 
of the most effective politicians who were arrayed on the other side. 
He was a member of the Legislature of Maryland until 1796, when 
Washington appointed him Secretary of War. Under Washington 
and Adams he remained in the Cabinet until 1800. After his resigna- 
tion he held no public- ofticc. He died in 1816. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMMF. 



95 



JOHN BLAIR. 



VIRGINIA. 




John Blair, of Virginia, 
was born at Williamsburg, in 
1732. His ardent patriotism 
as well as his sound sense en- 
title him to rank with Wash- 
ington and Madison among 
the statesmen of that day, 
and there is a singular pro- 
priety in the appearance of 
his signature beside- theirs on 
the document which forever 
cemented the liberties of 
Americans. Blair was a grad- 
uate of William and Mary's 
JOHN BLAIR. College, and had studied law 

at the Temple, in London. He had taken part with Washington in 
drafting the non-importation agreement into its first practical form, in 
which resistance to the Stamp Act crystallized itself in the colonies. 
For a long term of years he was a member of the House of Burgesses, 
and was the last to represent the College of William and Mary in the 
councils of the Commonwealth. He was a member of that Com- 
mittee which reported the State Constitution and the Bill of Rights. 
In 1777 Blair was made a Judge of the General Court, of which he 
afterwards became Chief Justice ; in 1780 he was chosen a Judge of 
the High Court of Chancery, and still later a Justice of the High 
Court of Appeals. In the Constitutional Convention, he was a stead- 
fast friend of the Virginia plan, and favored giving even more power 
to the general government than was finally awarded to it. He 
accepted the Constitution as the best that could be secured, and in 
the State Convention of Virginia warmly favored its ratification. He 
had the universal respect of the citizens of his own State, and ap- 
pears to have represented the best type of the Virginia gentleman, 
than whom there was none more courtly in the world. He was a 
Justice of the United States Supreme Court from 1789 to 1796, and 
died in 1800 at his home in Williamsburg. 



96 



SOUVENIR AND 




THOMAS MIFFLIN' 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Thomas Mifflin, of 
Pennsylvania, was born in 
1744, at Philadelphia. He 
was the son of a Quaker, 
who intended him for a 
mercantile career, but on 
the outbreak of the Rev- 
olution he insisted on tak- 
ing up arms, and became 
one of the best-known men 
in the army as well as one 
of the bravest. At that 
time he had already achiev- 
ed a considerable personal 
THOMAS MIFFLIN. popularity in the politics of 

his native State. He was not at all in sympathy with the methods 
of Washington, and entered the combination to supplant the Vir- 
ginia statesman and soldier in favor of General Gates. The 
failure of this scheme brought those who had been concerned 
in it into something like general disrepute. But the hold which 
Mifflin had gained on the hearts of Pennsylvanians was not to be 
affected in that way, and, in 1 783, after the end of the war, he was 
elected to Congress. Elected to the presidency of that body it 
became his rather embarrassing duty to receive back, on behalf of the 
Confederation, the commission of Washington on the resignation of 
the latter as Commander-in-Chief. He took this occasion to show 
that he bad been moved by no petty sentiment in the past, and replied 
to the few words of the Commander as follows : " We join you in 
commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of 
Almighty God, beseeching Him to dispose the hearts and minds of 
its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a 
happy and respectable nation. And for you we address to Him our 
earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his 
care, that your days may be as happy as they have been illustrious, 
and that He will finally give you that reward which this world cannot 
give." After holding the office of Governor for nine years, Mifflin 
died in 1800. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



97 




GEORGE REED. 



GEORGE PvEED. 

DELAWARE. 

George Reed, of Dela- 
ware, was a native of 
Maryland, and was born In 
1734. His family was one 
of considerable wealth in 
Dublin, and had emigrated 
from Ireland to settle in 
that State. They soon re- 
moved to Newcastle, Del. 
The son first went to 
school at Chester, Pa., and 
then was sent to to the in- 
stitution managed by Rev. 
Dr. Allison, at New Lon- 
don, Conn. He began to 
study law at the age of seventeen years, and two years afterward was 
admitted to the bar. It appears that Reed was not a great speaker, 
and that he recognized, himself, the inexpediency of appearing in 
court to plead before a jury. In fact, he had none of that magnetism 
which captivates jurors as it captivates an audience. He was a slow 
and almost painful speaker. But then, as now, there were other ele- 
ments besides eloquence which contributed to a lawyer's success. 
In the logic of the law, Mr. Reed was thoroughly well versed, and in 
the management of cases he had few equals. As a result, he won 
more legal battles than most of the greater speakers, and was never 
short of clients. In 1763 he became Attorney General for the lower 
counties of his State. He held that position for twelve years, but in 
1775, having l)een chosen a member of the Continental Congress, he 
decided to resign the Attorney Generalship. When asked the reason 
of this course, he said he was too sincere a patriot to hold a position 
as a representative of his colony in Congress, hampered by the 
knowledge that he held another place under the British crown. He 
was foremost among the opponents of the Stamp Act, and did his 
full duty in resistance to Great Britain all through the Revolution. 
He was not an active participant in the Convention debates. He died 
in 1798, having held the positions of Governor, United States Senator, 
and Judge of the State Supreme Court. 



98 



SOL'VEA'/R AND 




CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Charles Cotesworth 
PiNCKNEY, of South Caro- 
lina, was born in 1746. 
He was a son of an Eng- 
lish family, which had set- 
tled in South Carolina in 
1692. Sent to England at 
the age of seven years to 
receive an education, he 
tlid not return to America 
until 1769, when he was 
twenty-five years of age. 
In the meantime he had 
enjoyed five years of pri- 
CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. vatc tuition, had gone 

through Oxford, where he listened to a course of law lectures by 
Blackstone, and had studied law at the Temple. He had also made a 
brief tour of the continent, and for nine months had studied at the 
Royal Military Academy at Caen in Normandy. He came back, 
therefore, admirably equipped for those duties which the next decade 
was sure to develop upon the shoulders of a patriot American. He 
entered at once upon the practice of law, but on the outbreak of the 
Revolution entered the army, and soon won the rank of Brigadier- 
General. He was captured at the fall. of Charleston, and suffered 
from the inhuman cruelty of the British to their American prisoners. 
At the end of the war he resumed the practice of his profession. The 
provision in the Constitution that " No religious test shall ever be re- 
quired as a qualification for any office of public trust under the au- 
thority of the United States," was proposed by him. He declined a 
United States Supreme Court Judgeship, the Secretaryship of War 
nnd the Secretaryship of State under Washington. Having occupied 
the mission to France and driven from Paris by the Directory, he gave 
utterance to what has become a household expression among Ameri- 
cans, " Millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute," in answer to 
an insinuation that a payment of money might avert war with France. 
He w:-s defeated ps the Federalist candidate for Vice-President in 
j8oo. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney died in 1825 at Charleston, 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME, 



99 



WILLIAM BLOUNT. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 




Wm. Blount, of North Car- 
olina, was born in 1744 and 
was a native of that State. He 
had more of the distinctive 
pioneer spirit than any other of 
the signers, and his name is in- 
separably connected with the 
development of Tennessee in- 
to a State. Blount was a mem- 
ber of the Provincial Assembly 
of 1775 and 1776. From 1780 
to 1784 he served in that body, 
which was known as the House 
WILLIAM BLOUNT. of Commons in North Carolina. 

His action in signing the Constitution was calculated to arouse 
against him a very strong sentiment in his State, which was much 
dissatisfied with the document as drawn up by the convention. In 
fact, it was late in 1789 before North Carolina could be prevailed upon 
to ratify the Constitution, and she was the last of the States to do so 
except Rhode Island. Blount was therefore defeated in his ambition 
to be one of the first United States Senators from his State, but in 1790 
was appointed by Washington as Governor of the new Territory south 
of the Ohio River. He settled at once in Tennessee, and was the 
founder of the City of Knoxville. Blount was presiding officer over 
the convention which formed the first Constitution of Tennessee. 
After the admission of that State to the Union in 1796 he was elected 
United States Senator. Before that body he was charged with having 
instigated the Creek and Cherokee Indians to help the English, in 
conquering the Spanish country south of his Territory. Found guilty 
and expelled, he went back to Knoxville, the speaker of the State 
Senate resigned, and Blount was at once chosen to fill the plsce. 
It appears, therefore, that he had, at least, the sympathy and support of 
Tennessee people. He died at Knoxville in iBoo. 



CHAPTER XI. 

SIGNERS OF THE CONSTITUTION.— C^«//««^^. 

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

PENr'SYLVANIA. 

Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsylvania, was born in 1706, in Bos- 
ton. He was eighty-one years of age at the time of the Convention, 
and was the oldest of the delegates there. In some respects he is 
the most remarkable man of whom we have any record in history. 
As a philosopher, statesman, inventor, diplomat, and general thinker, 
he was head and shoulders above every man of his time. As a mere 
boy he had come to Philadelphia without a dollar in his pocket and 
had worked out for himself his own fortune 




benjamin franklin. 



In the field of invention alone, Edison is the only man who can 
be fairly compared with Franklin ; and it is impossible to say now, 
how many of the machines to which modern life owes its comparative 
comfort, are based upon principles of Franklin's discovery. Of course 
there was no patent-office in his day to record his work or to reward 
it as such work is rewarded now. And largely for this reason the in- 
ventive genius of America's myriad-minded philosopher has been 
more than half overlooked even by his admirers. He has gone down 

lOI 



I02 SOri'ElVIR AXD 



to posterity as a level-headed thinker however, and enough is known 
of his work at home and abroad, in behalf of American liberty to 
form a partial estimate of how invaluable it was to the cause which he 
espoused. His own business success had been remarkable, and had 
attested the value of the "Poor Richard" maxims, even before the 
latter became the common household property of all Americans. 
Edinburgh and Oxford Universities were not slow to recognize the 
value of his scientific researches. They both awarded him degrees. 
Franklin had lived in England from 1757 to 1762 as agent of the 
Pennsylvania Assembly in the latter's trouble with the Proprietaries. 
From 1764 to 1775 he was the agent in England, not only of the 
colony of Pennsylvania, but of New Jersey, Massachusetts and 
Georgia. At the outbreak of the Revolution it was evident to every- 
one that Franklin could be of immensely greater service to the Colo- 
nial cause in Paris than in Philadelphia ; that his diplomacy would 
do far more to hold up the hands of Washington than any one man 
could do in the council at home or in the field. He therefore went 
to the French Court, and to his efforts America owes the alliance 
which made her independence possible. He stayed in Paris until 1 785, 
although in 1783 he acted as one of the American Commissioners in 
signing the definite treaty of peace with Great Britain. Franklin had 
been home only two years when he was elected a delegate to the Con- 
stitutional Convention. The position was one peculiarly congenial 
to the great philosopher. For many years he had longed to see es- 
tablished a more perfect union, which should place beyond question 
the permanence of that liberty which had been achieved with so much 
difficulty. Long before the signing of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence he had projected a plan for such union. After the Convention 
met he devoted his whole time to the formulation of such suggestions 
as in his opinion could be accepted and would not develop structural 
weakness in the new government. He knew that his ideals could not 
be fully realized, and with that intensely practical spirit which 
ever tempered his philosophy, Franklin preferred securing the best 
that could be secured, to losing something still better. 'J'he Consti- 
tution as drawn up was not in all respects to his liking. It had flaws 
which he could see, and which have been brought out already in the 
operation of the governmental scheme. But after the document had 
been framed he saw -that the future of the United States depended 
upon its acceptance by the several States, because no other form of 
Union would be practicable after this had been rejected. He therefore 
spoke in the following words of the duty devolving upon himself and 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. lO' 



his fellow delegates : "The opinions I have had of its errors I sacri- 
fice to the public good. Within these walls they were born, and here 
they shall die. I hope that for our own sakes, as part of the people 
and for the sake of posterity, we shall act heartily and unanimously 
in recommending this Constitution, approved by Congress and con- 
firmed by the Convention, wherever our influence may extend, and 
turn our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having it 
well administered." After the document had been signed, Franklin 
looked up toward the President's chair and called attention to the 
picture of a rising sun there portrayed. " Painters often have diffi- 
culty in distinguishing between a rising and a setting sun in their oil," 
said he. " Often and often, in the course of the session and the vicis- 
situdes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, I have looked at that 
sun behind the President, without being able to tell whether it was ris- 
ing or setting ; but, now at length, I have the happiness to know that 
it is a rising and not a setting sun." He never had any serious doubt 
that the sober sense of the American people would be adequate to 
the amendment of the Constitution, when time should have made its 
defects apparent. 

A brief story of the main features of Franklin's life is inter- 
esting. He was of a poor family in Boston, and when only twelve 
years of age was apprenticed to his step-brother, James Franklin, 
who was an employing printer. The boy showed his quickness at 
learning the trade, but did not get along well with his employer, and 
the wages paid him were very small. He decided to try his fortunes 
in Philadelphia, and when he reached there had only a shilling in his 
pocket. Employment was soon secured. He saved most of his 
earnings. Soon he was able to start a paper known as the " Gazette," 
and in 1732 he published the " Poor Richard Almanack," above 
alluded to. In tlie same year he founded the first company for the 
extinguishing of fires in Philadelphia, and in 1738 established the 
first fire insurance company in that city. His discovery of the iden- 
tity of lightning and electricity by means of a kite, with which he 
brought the electric fluid down during the storm, is familiar to every 
schoolboy. This experiment took place in 1752, and soon afterwards 
Franklin published a pamphlet showing how the discovery could be 
utilized in lightning-rods for the protection of buildings. He worked 
hard for the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. The 
offensive and defensive treaty with France was entirely the result of 
his exertions, and in 1782 he had the pleasure of affixing his signa- 
ture to the definitive treaty of peace with Great Britain. Later 



I04 



SOUVEiVIR AND 



on, he represented the Congress in London, and the following story 
illustrates the sturdiness of his Americanism. It was at a diplomatic 
dinner, and an Englishman proposed a toast to (ireat Britain : 
"The sun, whose rays warm and enlighten nations in every quarter 
of the globe." The French ambassador in his turn suggested : 
" France, the moon, whose rays shine with the sun's reflected glory." 
Both toasts were responded to. Then all eyes were upon Franklin. 
Each one present w-as saying to himself, " He has only the stars left, 
or he must break the metaphor." But Franklin choose neither alter- 
native. Rising in all the dignity of a well-preserved old man, he 
said with great impressiveness : 

" Let us drink now to America, the Joshua who commanded the 
sun and the moon to stand still, and they obeyed him." 

No one could complain. All drank to the toast, and all acknowl- 
edged that the shrewd Yankee philosopher had outwitted the diplo- 
matists. I'he banquet hall rang with applause. Franklin bowed 
his majestic hoary head and took his seat. He appreciated his own 
triumph. 

Benjamin Franklin died in 1790, at Philadelphia. 




N. E. MEAD S SON, 

TillLORS & IMPORTERS, 
25 EAST 17TH Street. 



—THE- 



mmw m wmi 



Made of the best materials and piit together in a 
\^ ~ thorough manner, insuring great durability, which, 

coupled with their price, renders theui really economical to wear. 

The Belt is a support to the abdominal wall, pressing equally throughout its 
entire extent, tending greatly to prevent ruptures, and also throwing all the 
■weight of the abdomen upon the hips and small of the back. 



WM. LAWRENCE MEAD. 



OFflCIA 1. PKOGRAMME. 



105 



RUFUS KING. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

RuFUS King, of Massachusetts, was born 
in 1755 '^^ Scarborough, now in the State 
of Maine. His youth was surrounded by 
all the softening influences which wealth 
could afford, for his father was one of the 
richest merchants in the colonies at that 
time. He had a thorough education, and 
then studied law in the office of Theophilus 
Parsons, a leading member of the Massa- 
chusetts Bar. He served as an aide-de- 
camp of Gen. Glover during the Revolu- 
tion, became a member of Congress after 
that, and distinguished himself in 1785 by 
attemptmg to pass a resolution forbidding 
the existence of slavery in any States formed from the Northwestern 
Territory, in one of the articles of the compact between the American 
commonwealths. This was referred to the Committee of the Whole, 
and afterwards embodied in the Nathan Kane ordinance of 1787. In 
1788 Mr. King removed to New York, and was sent to the United 
States Senate from that State. He at once became one of the fore- 
most members of that body. In 1796 he declined tne Secretaryship 
of State, but accepted the position of Minister to England, which he 
held until 1804. Nine years after his return, Mr. King was again 
elected to the Senate, and was re-elected in 1819, and strenuously 
opposed the admission of Missouri as a slave State. He went to the 
Court uf St. James as United States Minister, again, in 1825, but his 
health was not good, and he came back home to Jamaica, Long 
Island, where his death occurred on April 29, 1827. 




RUf^US KING. 



I06 SOUVENJJ? AND 



DAVID BREARLEY. 

NEW JERSEY. 

David Brearley, of New Jersey, was born in 1745, and was 
therefore thirty-one years of age when the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was signed. He had been a lawyer in excellent practice, and 
was a man of thorough education. His interest in the militia system 
of the colony had always been an active one, and it was with any- 
thing but reluctance that he took a command in the Revolutionary 
forces of his own State. He had also been a most enthusiastic 
patriot, a firm believer in the right of the colonies to autonomy in 
local government, as well as to independence from the mother country 
in case such autonomy was refused. He became a Lieutenant- 
Colonel in Maxwell's famous brigade of the Jersey Line, and in 
action repeatedly distinguished himself. He was known among his 
comrades as a thoroughly cool and reliable officer, as well as one of 
the bravest of the brave. In 1779 he resigned his commission to 
take the place of Chief Justice of New Jersey, which position he had 
been holding for eight years, when elected a delegate to the Consti- 
tutional Convention. His efforts were of great service in securing 
the ratification of the Constitution in New Jersey's State Convention. 
In 1788 Mr. Brearley was made a Presidential elector, and one year 
later he resigned his position as Chief Justice in order to become a 
Judge of the Federal District Court for New Jersey. In this posi- 
tion he proved his capacity to interpret intelligently that system of 
Federal law which the Constitution had rendered possible. He died 
in 1790. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. iQ-j 



THOMAS FITZSIMMONS. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Thomas Fitzsimmons, of Pennsylvania, was a native of Ireland, 
and was born in 1741. Like thousands upon thousands of Irishmen 
since his time he was driven to emigrate to this country by oppression 
in his native land. He settled in Philadelphia in 1765, and soon 
afterward was married to a daughter of Robert Meade, an ancestor of 
General Meade, of Gettysburg fame. Mr. Fitzsimmons went into 
partnership with a brother-in-law, and was doing a good business 
when the troubles began which ended in the Revolution. He was one 
of the first to espouse the cause of the colonies against the mother 
country, and did not hesitate to go into the army himself. He raised 
and equipped a company which went into the first campaigns under 
his own command. Afterward he was a member of the Council of 
Safety and of the Navy Board. The house of Meade & Fitzsim- 
mons, in 1780, subscribed the enormous sum of ^5,000 to the cause 
of the National defence. In 1872 Mr. Fitzsimmons became a mem- 
ber of the National Congress, and was one of the most influential 
debaters on all questions of finance. In the Constitutional Conven- 
tion he was one of the warmest opponents of the theory of universal 
suffrage, and wanted to have the privilege of the ballot confined to 
freeholders. He also favored a tax on exports. Under the Constitu- 
tion he was elected a member of Congress to represent the city of 
Philadelphia, and in the earlier debates in Congress he was among 
the first of American statesmen to advocate a protective tariff for the 
purpose of building up the manufacturing industries of the United 
States. In 1794 he was defeated for Congress, and, after holding 
important positions in several financial corporations, he died in 181 1. 



I08 SOUVENIR AND 



JACOB BROOM. 

DELAWARE. 

Jacob Broom, of Delaware, was born in 1752. He was a man of 
forceful individuality and of thorough training in pul)lic affairs. Rep- 
resenting a State which was naturally more or less jealous of the 
greater commonwealths like New York and Virginia, he had the tact 
to make himself a personal friend of the greatest statesmen in each 
of these Commonwealths. In this way he did as much as any one of 
his co-workers in Delaware to secure the ends which the State had 
in view. He had the respect of all who corresponded with him, and 
these comprised the leading men in each of the colonies. He held 
no public position outside of the two conventions which contributed 
to the establishment of a more perfect Union. At the Annapolis 
Convention, where nobody was sure of anything connected with the 
perpetuity of the Confederation in any form, Mr. Broom was one of 
the Commissioners of Delaware, and, together with Read, Dickinson, 
Bedford and Bassett, helped to make it clear that if their interests 
were not wantonly infringed upon, the smaller States would offer no 
factious opposition to any form of Union. This impression was em- 
phasized by the position taken by the same men in the Constitutional 
Convention. Broom's address to Washington, delivered on Decem- 
ber 17, 1783, was a most eloquent one. He had two sons — Jacob 
Broom, who was elected to Congress from Pennsylvania, and who be- 
came, in 1852, the "American Party's" candidate for the Presidency 
of the United States ; and James M. Broom, who was a member of 
Congress from Delaware from 1805 to 1807, and afterwards became, 
like his brother, a member of the Philadelphia bar. Jacob Broom, 
Sr., himself, took up his residence in Philadeli)liia late in life, where 
he died in 1810. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



109 



GEORGE CLYMER 



PENNSYLVANIA. 




GEORGE CLYMER. 



George Clymer, of Penn- 
sylvania, was born in 1739. 
His parents died when he was 
very young, and he became a 
ward of his uncle, Mr. Cole- 
man, who was a man of high 
character, and who appears to 
have done all that he could for 
the orphan boy. The latter 
enjoyed a good common- 
school education, and, as a 
young man, entered a mercan- 
tile house in the Quaker City. 
He did his work well, and 
there is no doubt that he 
would have made his mark in the commercial world of the colonies 
but for the fact that his mind was early absorbed by the politics of 
the period, and that he chose to give to the service of his country 
those services which would have made him wealthy and prosperous if 
they had been devoted to business. George Clymer was a member of 
Congress in 1776, and, together with Wilson, Taylor, Ross and Rush, 
was among the first signers of the Declaration of Independence. He 
was in Congress until the latter part of 1777, but then failed of a 
re-election, and retired to private life until 1780, when he was again 
elected to that body. Pennsylvania owes to Clymer a debt of grati- 
tude because of his persistent and successful efforts to bring the 
penal code of that State into harmony with the humanitarian tenden- 
cies of civilization. In the Constitutional Convention he was one of 
the most valuable members, and his views were characterized by 
broad intelligence. No man did better work in securing the ad(jption 
of the Constitution by his State. Under the Constitution Clymer 
was elected a member of Congress, His death occurred in 1813. 



CHAPTER XII. 

SIGNERS OF THE CONSTITUTION.— 6'^«//««^^. 

ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

NEW YORK. 
Alexander Hamilton, of New York, was born in the year 1757, 
in the Island of Nevis, and was therefore only thirty years of age at 
the time of the Convention's sessions. At the age of twelve years he 
entered a mercantile establishment at Santa Cruz, keeping up his 
studies in the meantime in order to fit himself for college. Three 
years later he came to New York, and passed without difficulty the 
entrance examinations at King's College (now Columbia), where he 




ALEXANDER HAMILTON. 

soon distinguished himself not only in the regular work of his classes 
but as a writer on subjects too formidable for most young men of 
his age. A series of political papers on the rights of the Colonies, 
coming from his pen when he was seventeen years old, and published 
anonymously, was attrii)uted to several of the best known thinkers on 
the topic of National development. He early identified himself with 
the patriotic sentiments which were gaining prevalence rapidly in New 
York, and at the age of nineteen years left college to enter the Revo- 
lutionary army as a Captain of Artillery. One year afterwards he was 
appointed one of the aides-de-camp of ^Vashington, with the rank of 
Lieutenant-Colonel. In this appointment the commander of the 

III 



112 SOU I 'ENIR A ND 



patriotic forces showed more signally, perhaps, than at any other time 
in his career, the wonderful faculty of selecting his subordinates 
which amounted at times to intuition. 

During five years' service in the field, for a considerable term of 
years in the Continental Congress, and throughout the dismal period 
of semi-anarchy which followed the recognition of our nationality by 
Great Britain, in the Constitutional Convention, and under the great 
chieftain in the first civic administration under the governmental 
scheme framed by that Convention, Alexander Hamilton always 
justified the confidence reposed in him by George Washington. As a 
soldier, a thinker, a statesman, and a financier, this young man 
proved himself the equal of the most mature intellects of his age. 
His work in the Convention was harder and more effective than that 
of any other member. He is said to have been capable of most 
intense and prolonged intellectual application, although his mind was 
not that of a plodder, and his perceptions were as rapid and acute as 
his generalizations were accurate and comprehensive. Hamilton's 
abhorrence of disorder led him, perhaps, to the other extreme in his 
theories of government. Left to himself, he would have established a 
constitutional monarchy with a Senate composed of life members, 
and a House of Representatives elected once in six years. On all 
these points he was overruled. President and Senators were given 
fixed terms, and the term of Congressmen was reduced to two years. 
But Hamilton's crowning glory is the fact, that to his genius the 
United States owes the system of unique checks and balances which 
put it out of the power of bad men in any one branch of the govern- 
ment to do any fatal injury to the political integrity of the whole. 
His distinctive theories on the question of centralization were the 
basis upon which the great Federalist party was built up ; and the 
germs of centralization which he succeeded in planting in the Consti- 
tution itself, grew up in such a way as to offer needed support to the 
government at Washington at a time when it was in danger of falling 
under blows which even the prophetic genius of Hamilton himself 
could not have foreseen. It is true, too, that the tendency of govern- 
mental development in a direction which Hamilton would have 
favored, has been a more or less persistent one ever since 1789. 
With the question whether the tendency is or is not a wholesome one, 
it is not the purpose of this sketch to deal. That a man thirty years 
of age should have had the adroitness to force his compeers to half 
unwillingly adopt his own views, in the face of the strongest prejudices 
against them, nurtured as those j^rejudices had been by ten years of 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. I I -^ 

clashing and bitterness between one State and another is indubitable 
proof of paramount genius. In his papers in " The Federalist " there 
can be no doubt that Hamilton did even more than Madison and 
Jay to secure the adoption of the Constitution. These papers will 
ever live as masterpieces of political reasoning as well as evidences of 
the cleverest practical statesmanship. There is none of the effer- 
vescence of youth about them. Every sentence is written with a pur- 
pose to placate some form of opposition, or to stir up on some new 
ground the sentiment in favor of Nationalism. No petty personal 
pride led him to carp at the work of a convention which had thrown 
aside so many of his pet ideas. He writes as a true patroit, and be- 
cause of his apparent self-abnegation his words have all the more 
weight. They turned the balance in his own State, and without New 
York the Constitution would have been abortive. In the State Con- 
vention called to act upon that document, it was Hamilton who stood 
for its adoption against his fellow delegates, Yates and Lansing, who 
had refused to sign. His eloquence won the day. Success did not 
come at once, but it came ultimately. The Empire State was drawn 
into line. After Washington's inauguration Hamilton was asked to 
take the Treasury portfolio, and he accepted the charge. Like every 
other responsibility ever thrown upon him, this was manfully dis- 
charged. The assumption of the State debts, and the delicacy with 
which the subject of taxation by the new government had to be ap- 
proached, rendered the task of the first Secretary of the Treasury 
anything but a sinecure. As a matter of fact, the real work of organ- 
izing the government fell upon Hamilton's shoulders. In 1795 he 
retired, and took up the practice of law in New York City, where he 
had an immense number of friends. He still retained the real leader- 
ship of the Federalist party, and his equally facile and forceful pen 
was of great value to that organization, which, nevertheless, could 
not withstand the odium brought upon it by the passage of the Alien 
and Sedition laws, and fell in 1800 under a reaction of public sentiment. 
Hamilton had been restored to the army as second in command, at the 
request of Washington, in 1798, in view of an expected French invasion, 
and had succeeded to command on the death of Washington, but 
soon resigned and returned to the New York Bar. He was not fond 
of a military life or of military pomp. Pre-eminently he was fitted to 
shine as an advocate. But it was an absolute impossibility for such 
a man to surrender his interest or to avoid participation in political 
events. In 1804 occurred the fatal duel with Aaron Burr. It is not 
unfair to the latter to say that the greatest statesman and the great- 



114 



SOUVENIR AND 



est politician of that period were respectively the murdered and the 
murderer on that lamentable occasion. Hamilton was opposed to 
duelling on princij^lc. He never hesitated to denounce the practice 
as a barbarous one; but at that time no public man could afford to 
decline a challenge. The trouble had arisen out of a political differ- 
ence. Its ending robbed the country and the State of New York of 
one whose counsels were invaluable, and whose place no other man 
was capable of filling. Hamilton died, as he had lived, respected by 
mall en, regretted by all true patriots. 

WILLIAM JACKSON. 

SECRETARY. 

William Jackson, Secretary of the 
Constitutional Convention, was born in 
England in 1759. In his early youth he 
was sent to Charleston, South Carolina, 
and was educated there under the guard- 
ianship of Colonel Owen Roberts. In 
June, 1775, he was given a commission as 
Lieutenant in the First Regiment of 
South Carolina. In 1779 he was promo- 
ted to a captaincy, and then was made 
Aid-de-Camp to General Lincoln, which 
gave him the rank of major. Like sever- 
al other well-known patriots, he was taken 
prisoner by the British at the fall of Charleston. He was exchanged 
in 1 781, and was at once appointed secretary to John Laurens, who 
was just setting out on a mission to France to purchase supplies for 
the Revolutionary armies. He became Assistant Secretary of War 
under (leneral Lincoln, on his return, but resigned that place in 1783 
in order to travel in Europe on his private affairs. A year later he 
settled down to the practice of law in the city of Philadeli)hia, 
and was engaged in that way when the Constitutional Convention met. 
On the advice of Washington, he was elected secretary of that body, 
and the final success of its work is largely due to the fidelity of 
Jackson. On the inauguration of the first President of the LInited 
States, he became private secretary to Washington. He refused, in 
1792, the position of Adjutant-General of the army, but in 1796 
accepted that of Surveyor of the Port of Philadelphia, from which 
place Jefferson removed him in 1802. He seems to have been a man 
of rare qualities of heart and brain. No scrap of writing in his hand, 
with reference to the work of the Convention, is in existence, and he 
would never talk on that topic. He died in 1828. 




WII I I \M J \(. KsoN 



SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. II5 



HISTORY OF THE AMENDMENTS. 

At the first session of Congress under the Constitution, begun in 
the city of New York, March 4th, 1789, many amendments to the 
Constitution were offered for consideration. Ten of these were pro- 
posed by Congress to the Legislatures of the several States. They 
were ratified by the requisite number by the middle of December, 
1 791. The Xlth Amendment was proposed March 5th, 1794, and 
was ratified in 1798. 

The Xllth amendment was proposed December 12th, 1803, and 
was ratified in 1804. 

In May, 1810, an Amendment was proposed by Congress, pro- 
hibiting citizens of the United States from accepting or retaining any 
title of nobility or honor, present, pension or emolument from any 
person, king, or foreign power, without the consent of Congress, 
under the penalty of disfranchisement. It was never ratified. 

The Xlllth Amendment was adopted by Congress January 31st, 

1865, and was ratified December 18th, 1865. 

The XlVth Amendment was adopted by Cong^ress June 13th, 

1866, and was ratified July 20th, 1868. 

The XVth Amendment was adopted and proclaimed March 30th, 
1870. 



SOUVENIR AN J) OFJ'JCIAL PA'aGA'A AIM/i 



117 



ORDER OF Ratification of the con- 
stitution BY THE States. 



Delaware, 
Pennsylvania, . 
New Jersey. 
Georgia, . . . 
Connecticut, 
Massachusetts, . 
Maryland, . . 
South Carolina, 
New Hampshire, 
Virginia, . . 
New York, . . 
North Carolina, 
Rhode Island, 



Dec. 7, 1787, 
Dec. 12, " 
Dec. 18, " 
Jan. 2, 1788, 

•' 9, " 
Feb. C, " 
Apr. 28, " 
May 23, " 
June 21, *' 
June 26, *' 
July 26, " 
Nov. 21, 1789. 
May 29, 1790. 



Unanimously. 
46 to 23. 
Unanimously. 
Unanimously. 
128 to 40. 
187 to J 08. 

63 to 12. 

149 to 73. 
57 to 46. 
89 to 79. 
30 to 28. 



soui'EiVIa: axd official progra.-\fme. 



I \.) 



ORDER OF Admission of states, 



Vermont, 


1791. 


Missouri, . 


Kentucky, . 


1792. 


Arkansas, 


Tennessee, . 


1796. 


Michigan, 


Ohio, . . . 


1802. 


Florida, 


Louisiana, . 


1812. 


Texas, 


Indiana, . . 


1816. 


Iowa, . . 


Misissippi, . 


1817. 


Wisconsin, 


Illinois, , . 


1818. 


California, 


Alabama, 


1819. 


Minnesota, 


Maine, . . 


1820. 


Oregon, . 



. 1821. Kansas, . . . 1861 

. 1836. West Virginia, 1863 

. 1837. Nebraska, . . 1864 

1845. Nevada, . . . 1864 

. 1845. Colorado, , . 1876 

. 1846. Montana, . . 1889 

. 1848. North Dakota, . 1889 

. 1850. South Dakota, . 1889 

. 1858. Washington, . i8r 

1859- 



TERRITORIES. 

Arizona, Indian Territory. Utah. Idaho. 

New Mexico. Wyoming. District of Columbia. District of Alaska. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more per- 
fect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for 
the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and 
establish this Constitution for the United States of America : 

ARTICLE I. 
Section i. 
I. All legislative powers, herein granted, shall be vested in a Con- 
gress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and 
House of Representatives. 

Section 2. 

1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members 
chosen every second year by the people of the several States ; and 
the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for 
electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. 

2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained 
to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the 
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of 
that State in which he shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among 
the several States which may be included within this Union, accord- 
ing to their respective numbers ; which shall be determined by add- 
ing to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to 
service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three- 
fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made 
within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the 
United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in 
such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Represent- 
atives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State 
shall have at least one Representative ; and until such enumeration 
shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to 
choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence 

121 



12 2 SOU I 'ENIR A ND 



Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, 
Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North 
Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, 
the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such 
vacancies. 

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their speaker and 
other officers, and shall have the sole power of impeachment. 

Section 3. 

1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two sena- 
tors from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; 
and each senator shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of 
the first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into 
three classes. The seats of the senators of the first class shall be 
vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at 
the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expira- 
tion of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second 
year; and if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the 
recess of the legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make 
temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, 
which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the 
age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, 
and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for 
which he shall be chosen. ■ 

4. The vice-president of the United States shall be president of the 
Senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. 

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president 
pro tefHpore, in the absence of the vice president, or when he shall 
exercise the office of president of the United States. 

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. 
When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. 
When the president of the United States is tried, the chief justice 
shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concur- 
rence of two-thirds of the members present. 

7. Judgment, in cases of impeachment, shall not extend further 
than to removal from office, and dis(iualification to hold and enjoy 
any office of honor, trustor profit, under the United States; but the 
party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, 
trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 12 



Section 4. 

1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for senators 
and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature 
thereof ; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter 
such regulations, except as to the places of choosing senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year; and such 
meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall, 
by law, appoint a different day. 

Section 5. 

1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall con- 
stitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn 
from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of 
absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each 
house may provide. 

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish 
its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of 
two-thirds, expel a member. 

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from 
time to time, publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their 
judgment, require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of 
either house, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of 
those present, be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without 
the consent'of the other adjourn for more than three days nor to 
any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. 

1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation 
for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the 
treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases, except 
treason, felony and breach of peace, be privileged from arrest during 
their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and going 
to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in 
either house they shall not be questioned in any other place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which 
he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of 
the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments 
whereof shall have been increased during such time ; and no person 
holding any office under the United States shall be a member of 
either house during his continuance in office. 



124 SOUTENIJ? AND 



Section 7. 

1. All bills, for raising revenue, shall originate in the House of 
Representatives; but the Senate may propose, or concur with, amend- 
ments as on other bills. 

2. Every bill, which shall have passed the House of Represent- 
atives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to 
the President of the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign it, but 
if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it 
shall have originated, who shall enter the objections, at large, on their 
journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, 
two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, 
together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall 
likewise be reconsidered ; and if approved by two-thirds of that house 
it shall become a law. But in -all cases, the votes of both houses 
shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names'of the persons 
voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each 
house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented 
to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, 
unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which 
case it shall not be a law. 

3. Every order, resolution or vote to which the concurrence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a 
question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the 
United States ; and, before the same shall take effect, shall be ap- 
proved by him ; or being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by 
two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to 
the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 

Section 8. 

The Congress shall have power : 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises; to pay 
the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare 
of the United States ; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be 
uniform throughout the United States. 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States. 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the 
several States, and with the Indian tribes. 

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization ; and uniform 
'^ws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



125 



5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin ; 
and fix the standard of weights and measures., 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities 
and current coin of the United States. 

7. To estabUsh post-offices and post-roads. 

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by secur- 
ing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to 
their respective writings and discoveries. 

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court. 

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the 
high seas, and offenses against the law of nations. 

11. To declare war; grant letters of marque and reprisal, and 
make rules concerning captures on land and water. 

12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money 
to that use shall be for a longer term than two years. 

13. To provide and maintain a navy. 

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land 
and naval forces. 

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of 
the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions. 

16. To provide for organizing, arming and discipling the militia, 
and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the 
service of the United States ; reserving to the States, respectively, 
the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the 
militia, according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. 

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over 
such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of 
particular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of 
government of the United States ; and to exercise like authority over 
all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State, in 
which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, 
dockyards and other needful buildings ; and 

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
carrying into execution the foregoing powers ; and all other powers 
vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, 
or in any department or ofificer thereof. 

Section 9. 

I. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the 
States now existing shall thmk proper to admit shall not be prohibited 
by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and 



126 SOUVENIR AND 



eight; but a tax duty may be imposed on such importation, not ex- 
ceeding ten dollars for each person. 

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspen- 
ded, unless when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety 
may require it. 

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. 

4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in pro- 
portion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be 
taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any 
State. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce 
or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another ; nor shall 
vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay 
duties in another. 

6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence 
of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account 
of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be pub- 
lished from time to time. 

7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; 
and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, 
without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- 
ment, office or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or 
foreign state. 

Section 10. 

1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; 
grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; 
make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; 
pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the 
obligation of contracts; or grant any title of nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any 
imposts, or duties on imports or exports, except what may be abso- 
lutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net 
produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any state on imports or ex- 
ports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all 
such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the congress. 
No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of ton- 
nage, keep troops, or ships of war, in time of peace, enter into any 
agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign power, or 
engage in war, unless actually invaded or in such imminent danger as 
will not admit of delay. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



127 



ARTICLE II. 
Section i. 

1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the 
United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term 
of four years, and together with the vice-president, chosen for the 
same term, be elected as follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner ns the legislature 
thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number 
of senators and representatives to which the State may be entitled in 
Congress; but no senator or representative, or person holding an 
office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an 
elector. 

3. [The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by 
ballot for two persons, of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabi- 
tant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list 
of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; 
which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat 
of government of the United States, directed to the President of the 
Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and 
the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest 
number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there be more 
than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, 
then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose, by 
ballot, one of them for President ; and if no person have a majority 
then from the five highest on the list, the said house shall, in like 
manner, choose the President. But in choosing the President, the 
votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State 
having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a mem- 
ber or members from two-thirds of the States, and a maiority of all 
the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the 
choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of 
votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should 
remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose 
from them, by ballot, the Vice-President.] 

4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the 
electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes, which day 
shall be the same throughout the United States. 

5. No person, except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the 



128 SOUVENIR AND 



United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall 
be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person be 
eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty- 
five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United 
States. 

6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his 
death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of 
the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President; and the 
Congress may, by law, provide for the case of removal, death, resig- 
nation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring 
what officer shall then act as President; and such officer shall act 
accordingly until the disability be removed, or a President shall be 
elected. 

7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a 
compensation which shall neither be increased nor diminished during 
the period for which he shall have been elected; and he shall not 
receive, withm that period, any other emolument from the United 
States, or any of them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the 
following oath or affirmation: 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the 

office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my 

ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United 

States." 

Section 2. 

1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when 
called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the 
opinion in writing of the principal officer in each of the executive 
departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respect- 
ive offices; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons 
for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeach- 
ment. 

2. He shall have power by and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present 
concur ; and he shall nominate and by and with the advice and con- 
sent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers 
and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of 
the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise pro- 
vided for, and which shall be established by law. But the Congress 
may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they 



OFFICIAL PROCjRAMME. 



129 



think proper in the President alone, in the courts of law or in the 
heads of departments. 

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may 
happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, 
which shall expire at the end of their next session. 

Section 3. 

He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of 
the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such 
measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. He may, on 
extraordinary occasions, convene both houses or either of them ; and in 
case of disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjourn- 
ment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; he 
shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers ; he shall take 
care that the laws be faithfully executed ; and shall commission all 
the officers of the United States. 

Section 4. 

The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the United 
States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for and convic- 
tion of treason, bribery or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE HI. 
Section i. 
The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Su- 
preme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from 
time to time, ordain and establish. 

The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold 
their offices during good behavior; and shall, at stated times, receive 
for their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished 
during their continuance in office. 

Section 2. 
I. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity, 
arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and 
treaties made, or which shall be made under their authority ; to all 
cases affecting ambassadors, or other public ministers, and consuls ; 
to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies 
to which the the United States shall be a party; to controversies be- 
tween two or more States; between a State and citizens of another 
State; between citizens of diffirent States; between citizens of the 
same State, claiming lands under grants of different States; and be- 



130 SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

tween a State the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, or 
subjects. 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, or public ministers and 
consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme 
Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before 
mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both 
as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, 
as the Congress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall 
be by jury; and such trials shall be held in the State where the said 
crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within 
any State the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress 
may by law have directed. 

Section 3. 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levy- 
ing war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them 
aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on 
the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession 
in open court. 

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of 
treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or 
forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

Section i. 

Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public 

acts, records and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the 

Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such 

acts, records and proceedings shall be proved and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. 

1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and 
immunities of citizens in the several States. 

2. A person charged, in any State, with treason, felony, or other 
crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, 
shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which 
he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdic- 
tion of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the 
laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law 
or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but 
shall be delivered up, on claim of the party, to whom such service or 
labor may be due. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 

— Continued. 

Section 3. 

1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union, 
but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction 
of any other State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two 
or more States or parts of States, without the consent of the Legisla- 
tures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress, 

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all 
needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other prop- 
erty belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution 
shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, 
or of any particular State. 

Section 4. 
The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union, a 
republican form of government, and shall protect each of them 
against invasion ; and, on application of the Legislature, or of the 
executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domes- 
tic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem it 
necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution ; or, on the 
application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, shall 
call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case, 
shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitution, 
when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, 
or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other 
mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; provided 
that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thou- 
sand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner, affect the first and 
fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that no 
State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in 
the Senate. 

131 



132 



SOUVENIR AND 



ARTICLE VI. 

1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before 
the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United 
States, under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution and the laws of the United States, which 
shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which 
shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the 
supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be 
bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to 
the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the 
members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judi- 
cial officers both of the United States and the several States, shall be 
bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution ; but no 
religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or 
public trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VIL 
The ratification of the convention of nine States shall be sufficient 
for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so rati- 
fying the same. 

Done in convention, by the unanimous consent of the States 
present, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of 
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, 
and of the independence of the United States of America 
the twelfth. In witness whereof, we have hereunto sub- 
scribed our names. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
President, and Deputy from Virginia. 



AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
ARTICLE I. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of 
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the 
freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peace- 
ably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of 

grievances. 

ARTICLE II. 

A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free 
State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be in- 
fringed. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



ARTICLE III. 

No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house with- 
out the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to 
be prescribed by law, 

ARTICLE IV. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, 
papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall 
not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue butupon probable cause, 
supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the 
place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infa- 
mous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, 
except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia 
when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any 
person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of 
life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a wit- 
ness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, with- 
out due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public 
use without just compensation. 

ARTICLE VI. 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a 
speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district 
wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall 
have been previously ascertained by law; and to be informed of the 
nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the wit- 
nesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses 
in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. 

ARTICLE VII. 

In suits at common law where the value in controversy shall exceed 
twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact 
tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the 
United States, than according to the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE VIII. 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, 
nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 



134 SOUVENIR AND 



ARTICLE IX. 

The enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights shall not be 
construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respect- 
ively, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XI. 

The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to 
extend to any suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against 
one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens 
or subjects of any foreign State. 

'ARTICLE XII. 

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote, by 
ballot, for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall 
not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall 
name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in dis- 
tinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall 
make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all 
persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for 
each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to 
the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the 
President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the 
presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the 
certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having 
the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if 
such number be a majority of the whole number of electors 
appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the per- 
sons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of 
those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall 
choose, immediately by ballot, the President. But in choosing the 
President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from 
each State having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist 
of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a major- 
ity of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House 
of Representatives shall not choose a President w lenever the right of 
choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



135 



following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the 
case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. 
The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President 
shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the 
whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, 
then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose 
the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two- 
thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole 
nnmber shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitution- 
ally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of 
Vice-President of the United States. 

ARTICLE XIII. 

Section i. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a 
punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly con- 
victed, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to 
their jurisdiction. 

§ 3, Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appro- 
priate legislation. 

ARTICLE XIV. 

Section i. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United 
States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or 
enforce any /aw which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of 
citizens of the United States ; nor shall any State deprive any person 
of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, nor deny to 
any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

§ 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States 
according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of 
persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the 
right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President 
and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, 
the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the 
Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such 
State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United 
States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion 
or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced 
in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear 
to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such 
State. 



36 SOUVENIR AND 



§ 3. No person shall be Senator or Representative in Congress, or 
elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or 
military, under the United States, or under any State, who having 
previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer 
of the United States, or as a member of any State Legislature, or as 
an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or re- 
bellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies 
thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each house, 
remove such disability. 

§ 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, author- 
ized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and 
bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not 
be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall as- 
sume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or 
rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or eman- 
cipation of any slave ; but all such debts, obligations and claims 
shall be held illegal and void. 

§ 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate 
legislation, the provisions of this article. 

ARTICLE XV. 

Sfxtion I. The right of citizens of the United States to vote, 
shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State, 
on account of '■ace, color, or previous condition of servitude. 

§ 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by ap- 
propriate legislation. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



137 



In Convention, Monday, September 17, 1787. 

PRESENT 

The States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Mr. 
Hamilton from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. 

Resolved, That the preceding Constitution be laid before the 
United States in Congress assembled^ and that it is the opinion of 
this Convention, that it should afterwards be submitted to a Conven- 
tion of Delegates, chosen in each State by the people thereof, under 
the recommendation of its Legislature for their assent and ratifica- 
tion ; and that each Convention assenting to, and ratifying the same, 
should give notice thereof to the United States in Congress assembled. 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Convention, that as soon 
as the Conventions of nine States shall have ratified this Constitution, 
the United States in Congress assembled should fix a day on which 
electors should be appointed by the States, which shall have ratified 
the same, and a day on which the electors should assemble to vote 
for the President, and the time and place for commencing proceed- 
ings under the Constitution. That after such publication the electors 
should be appointed, and the Senators and Representatives elected ; 
that the electors should meet on the day fixed for the election of 
the President, and should transmit their votes certified, signed, sealed 
and directed, as the Constitution requires, to the Secretary of the 
United States in Congress assembled ; that the Senators and Repre- 
sentatives should convene at the time and place assigned ; that the 
Senators should appoint a President of the Senate, for the sole pur- 
pose of receiving, opening and counting the votes for President ; and 
that after he shall be chosen, the Congress, together with the Presi- 
dent, should, without delay, proceed to execute the Constitution. 
By the unanimous order of the Convention, 

George Washington, President. 
William Jackson, Secretary. 



In Convention, September 17, 1787. 

Sir : — We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of 
the United States in Congress assembled, that Constitution which has 
appeared to us the most advisable. 

The friends of our country have long seen and desired that the 
power of making war, peace and treaties, that of levying money and 
regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial 
authorities should be fully and effectually vested in the general gov- 



138 SOUVENIR AND 



eminent of the Union ; but the impropriety of delegating such ex- 
tensive trusts to one body of men is evident — hence resuits the neces- 
sity of a different organization. 

It is obviously impracticable in the Federal government of these 
States to secure all rights of independent severeignty to each, and 
yet provide for the interest and safety of all. Individuals entering 
into society must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The 
magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and cir- 
cumstance as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to 
draw with precision the line between those rights which must be sur- 
rendered, and those which may be reserved ; and on the present oc- 
casion this difficulty was increased by a difference among the several 
States as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests. 

In all our deliberations on this subject, we kept steadily in our 
view that which appears to us the greatest interest to every true 
American, the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our 
prosperity, safety, perhaps our national existence. This important 
consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led each 
State in the Convention to be less rigid on points of inferior magni- 
tude, than might have been otherwise expected^ and thus the Consti- 
tution, which we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity, and of 
that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our 
political situation rendered indispensable. 

That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every State is 
not perhaps to be expected ; but each will doubtless consider, that 
had her interests been alone consulted, the consequences might have 
been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others ; that it is liable 
to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we hope 
and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country 
so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most 
ardent wish. 

With great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's 
most obedient and humble servants, 

George Washington, President, 

By unanimous order of the Convention, 



HIS EXCELLENCY, THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 139 

CONSTITUTIONAL 

-CEnTENNI^B#tl^BI&EE- 

Was celebrated on SEPTEMBER 17, 1887, 

IN INDEPENDENCE SQUARE, AT PHILADELPHIA 

The Exercises were as follows : 

Opening Chorus, 

Two Thousand Children from the Public Schools. 

DIVINE INVOCATION, Et. Rev. Bishop Potter, of New York. 

Hymn", ........ Chorus of Boys. 

INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS, . . Hon. John A. Kasson, 

President of the Constitutional Centennial Commission. 

Song, " Appeal to Truth," . . [Schiller — Mendelssohn.] 

Chorus of Two Hundred Men, 
ADDRESS ON TAKING THE CHAIR. 

The President of the United States. 
Pateiotic Song, Boys' Chorus. 

MKMORIAIv ORATION, 

JUSTICE MILLER, 

Senior Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. 

Song, "Hail Columbia," . . Chorus of Two Hundred Voices. 

With new words contributed by Oliver Wendell Holmes. 

Recitation of a New National Hymn, contributed by f. Marion crawfm-d. 
Professor Murdoch, with Chorus of Men's Voices. 

PRAYER, . . Cardinal Archbishop Gibbons, of Maryland. 

Song, " Star-Spangled Banner," .... Men's Chorus. 

BENEDICTION, 

March, U. S. Marine Band. 



CHAPTER XV. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
1789-1797. 

George Washington, who was inaugurated as the first President of 
the United States, on April 30, 1789, was a native of Westmoreland 
County, Virginia, and was born February 22, 1732. He was the son 
of Augustine Washington and Mary Ball Washington, the latter's 
second wife, a daughter of Col. Ball, of Lancaster County, Virginia. 
His father was a rich planter, and at the age of twelve years George 
Washington found himself an orphan and heir to the paternal estates 
between the Rappahannock and the Potomac. Mount Vernon went 
first to Lawrence Washington, an elder son by a first marriage, and 
reverted to George through the death of Lawrence without heirs. 

Although in his earlier school days Washington developed a taste 
for mathematics, there is no evidence that he ever felt himself drawn 
to the pursuit of a classical course of education. In fact, he broke off 
school while still very young, and at the age of 16 years was appointed 
surveyor for the extensive estates of Lord Fairfax, a position which 
must have been very congenial to the athletic young man, who revelled 
in open-air exercise, was an adept in all sports, and found pleasure 
even in the hardships of a frontier life. The experience gained here 
was of immense service, too, in after life. At the age of 19 years 
he first joined the Virginia militia, with the rank of major. 

It appears that one year later Gov. Dinwiddle commissioned him 
as Adjutant-General and used him also in a semi-diplomatic capacity 
in dealing with the commander of the French forces which had taken 
possession of certain territory in the neighborhood of Lake Erie. 
His work during the French and Indian War was immensely valuable 
to the cause of Great Britain and of the Colonies. Familiar with 
every form of frontier warfare, the British found his advice always well 
worth heeding, and when a headstrong commander like Braddock 
rejected it, he did so at serious cost to himself and to the English 
cause. Washington, as practically Commander in Chief of the Vir- 
ginia forces, urged Braddock to take such precautions as would have 
prevented the fatal culmination of the campaign of 1755, at Fort Du 

141 



14: 



SOUVENIR AND 




Stem Wind 




NOW READY. 



With Second-Hand and Back 
Ratchet in Winding. 



Tx Solid Nickel Silver Case 
— Not Nickel Plated. 



For Sale by all Jewelers. 



The Cheshire Watch Co., 

198 Broadway, N. Y. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



143 



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144 SOUVENIR AND 



Quesne (now Pittsburgh). When the defeat had became a rout, it 
was the military talent of Washington that gathered up the shattered 
remnants of the British and Colonial forces, and saved them from 
annihilation at the hands of murderous savages and complaisant 
Frenchmen. 

Three years later, Washington married Martha Custis, a wealthy 
widow, resigned his commission, and was elected to the Legislature. 
From this time until the outbreak of the Revolution, his life was that 
of a plain Virginia farmer. In 1774 he was elected a delegate to the 
first Continental Congress. This position he resigned after the first 
blood had been shed in the battles of Lexington and Concord, to take 
the place of Commander in Chief of the Continental forces. It is 
hardly necessary, here, to go into a military history of the Revolution, 
and a complete story of the fidelity and fortitude with which Washing- 
ton performed his duties would develope into such a history. He 
refused at the start to accept any salary, and his personal means were 
at the disposal of the country always. No purer patriot ever devoted 
himself to the establishment and maintenance of a nation's liberty. 
Our forefathers were not without their factional squabbles, and of 
many of these Washington was a victim. Calumny and intrigue love 
a shining mark; but those who doubted the wisdom of his policy at 
times and even conspired to overthrow him were readiest at a later 
period to acknowledge his worth, and even to half concede the value 
of his judgment when time had justified it. 

Washington's resignation of his commission on Dec. 23, 1783, 
was thoroughly characteristic of him, although it has been always 
regarded by all foreign historians as an act of sublime self-abnegation. 
His hold upon the army and upon the people of the United States 
was invincible. Cromwell had more enemies in England when he 
became Protector. Napoleon was less revered in France when he 
assumed the First Consulate. But Washington's ambition was to be 
a citizen of a free and law-abiding nation. That was all. He rather 
favored the English model of a constitutional monarchy, and was not 
at all a red-republican. Never doubting for a moment the advisability 
of insisting on absolute independence for America, he based his belief 
in such independence not on the weak points of the British scheme 
as a Government for the British isles, but on the impracticability of 
governing the American Continent from Westminster. 

Impressed with such an idea of the true nature of government, 
it is not to be wondered at, that Washington was deeply pained by 
the course of events in the States after the Revolution was ended. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



45 




146 SOUVENIR AND 



Every event which demonstrated the weakness of the Confederation 
was a fresh stab which pierced to the great heart of the magnanimous 
Virginian. Spasmodic outbreaks of actual violence in various States, 
refusals to honor the requisitions of Congress for money, independ- 
ent and arbitrary action for the regulation of commerce by separate 
States, boundary disputes of doubtful settlement, and above all, the 
contempt into which our diplomacy was brought by our internal dis- 
sensions and by. questions hotly debated even here as to the extent 
of Congressional prerogatives, all were abhorrent to Washington's 
nature, and all offered to him new proof of the necessity of a more 
perfect union of the States which should involve nationality. His 
position from 1783 to 1787 was an irksome one. Though in private 
life, he could not assume the liberty of a private citizen in working 
actively and conspicuously as a champion of the national idea, with- 
out giving calumniators an opportunity to insinuate that he regretted 
his own rejection of a crown that had been within his grasp. The 
inherent delicacy of the man made itself felt in this emergency. No 
statesman was ever more modest in offering his own ideas and none 
was ever more chary of combatting the ideas of others. He cor- 
responded freely with Franklin and Hamilton and Madison, but 
throughout all his letters ran the one theme, " Nationality on any plan 
not open to the objections which have proven stumbling-blocks in the 
path of the Confederation." The Annapolis Convention in 1786 was 
largely the result of this systematic, unheralded, but effective work 
on the part of the Father of his Country. Over the Constitutional 
Convention one year later he presided in exactly the same spirit. 
Rarely did he press any suggestion upon the Convention. He was 
there to listen, to make fair rulings, to aid by his personal dig- 
nity and the reverence in which he was held. The result showed the 
wisdom of his course. When the Constitution had been drawn up, 
he was the first to sign it. His colleague, George Mason, refused to 
do so, on the ground that the liberties of the people were not sufifi- 
ciently guaranteed, that slavery was recognized, and that the slave- 
trade was continued. Washington would not argue the point even 
with him. Mason, even on further thought, did not withdraw his ob- 
jections, and opposed ratification in the Virginia Convention. 

The unanimous election of Washington to the presidency of the 
new republic was a natural tribute to his unselfish patriotism. The 
honor came unsolicited. The office sought the man, and its cares 
and responsibilities were taken up under a prayerful sense of their 
weight and of the difficulty of discharging them. But in the presi- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



147 



dential office, as in every other position in which his varied career had 
placed him, George Washington did his duty. He called to his first 
Cabinet men who represented patriotism rather than party. Thomas 
Jetferson, then as ever the leader of the element all over the Union 
which believed in the localization of power, and therefore in a strict 
construction of the Federal Constitution, was made Secretary of 
State. Edmund Randolph, the distinguished Virginian jurist, who 
had refused to sign the Constitution, was his Attorney General. 
Alexander Hamilton, the father of the Federalists, became Secretary 
of the Treasury. There was no objection anywhere to the appoint- 
ment of Gen. Knox as Secretary of War. But the changes in Wash- 
ington's Cabinet during the eight years of his incumbency prove that 
even in his mind there was a growing perception of the fact that 
parties are essential to the permanence of liberty in a republic, and 
that a President does more for his country when he is the real head 
of his own party than he can do otherwise. When Washington left 
the presidency in 1797 he was the recognized leader of the Federal 
party which had just elected John Adams President. 

There can be no doubt that the position which Washington occu- 
pies in history is a just one. As a military man, it may be fairly 
denied that he was a genius. His battles, by the side of those of 
Napoleon, are but skirmishes. His campaigns, compared with those 
of our own civil war, are not to be considered. His tactics are those 
of a farmer leading farmers. His strategy is of the Fabian order, 
that of the guerrilla chieftain rather than of the great general. 
Bnt the American Colonies in their struggle for liberty did not need a 
Napoleon or a Wellington. Washington gave them what they did 
need — a leader who would make the most of the resources at his dis- 
posal ; who knew that homespun was not a bad uniform to fight in, 
and that ragged shoes do not prevent brave men from winning vic- 
tories ; who never played the martinet in such a way as to offend the 
Colonial idea of individual dignity even in the private soldier ; and 
whose personality at the same time lifted the Colonial cause out of 
odium which pertains to an emeute of malcontents, by identifying 
with it his own pride of property and his own family distinction. As 
a civilian, Washington will always hold pre-eminence over all his con- 
temporaries. He deserves it: dignity, modesty, integrity, are traits 
which deserve more of a Nation's homage than brilliant oratory or 
the most resplendent of intellectual gifts. Even the genius of 
constructive statemanship is of less worth than that rock-bound 
integrity of personality which repulses the wild waves of anarchv 



148 SOUVENIR AND 



and disorder, and makes it possible for such genius to do 
its work. 

When war with France seemed to be impending over the young 
nation in 1798, Washington once more consented to take the chief 
command of its army, but his days of fighting were ended. The 
war was averted, and on Pec. 14, 1799, George Washington breathed 
his last at Mount Vernon. His death was a national calamity 
mourned in every section of the country by thousands who had never 
seen him, as a personal bereavement. In every relation of life he 
had borne responsibility without shrinking and had come out of the 
most fiery trials unsinged. His name lives in that of our Federal 
city, it is perpetuated in the memories of his countrymen, and to 
them the record of his achievements is the proudest of legacies. In 
all history virtue has found no more satisfactory exponent than 
George Washington. 

Under Washington's administration the Constitution was in its 
formative stage of existence. For the first time the language of the 
original document had to be construed for practical application. This, 
in itself, was a delicate task. But in addition to the duty of construc- 
tion there was the necessity of amendment forced on the first Con- 
gress by the action of State conventions. As first drawn up, the 
document nad contained no comprehensive bill of rights, and the 
Philadelphia convention had regarded no such provision as essential 
to the preservation of American liberty. Several of the States insis- 
ted that it was essential, and there was no objection to the enactment 
of the first ten amendments into fundamental law. They were pro- 
posed by Congress in 1789, and in 1791 had received the ratification 
of a sufficient number of States. All of these amendments were 
drawn up for the purpose of preventing the Federal Government from 
infringing on the rights of the States or of the people. Freedom of 
religio«, the right of petition, freedom of speech and of the press; 
the right to keep and bear arms, security against unreasonable 
searches and prosecutions, and trial by jury were thus forever pro- 
tected against the interference or aasaults of any Congress or any 
administration. The quartering of soldiers upon citizens in time of 
peace and the imposition of excessive bail, excessive fines or cruel 
and unusual punishments, were also prohibited. Protection was 
given, too, against any forced construction of the Constitution to 
the disparagement of unenumerated rights of the States, or of the 
people. In all of their features, these amendments were restrictions 
upon the powers of the general Ciovernment, and do not in any way 



OFFICIA L FROGRA MME. 



149 



restrain the States. Without exception, the Magna Charta provisions 
for trial by jury and freedom from unreasonable searches and pros- 
ecutions are included in the fundamental law of each of the States. 
Religious liberty is similarly protected. But most of the States re- 
strict the right to bear arms; the amount at stake in a civil suit on 
which a jury trial may be demanded differs in different States; and 
freedom of speech and of the press is subjected to various limitations. 

At the inception of the new Government only eleven of the States 
had ratified the Constitution. North Carolina and Rhode Island were 
out of the Union. The Articles of Confederation had forbidden any 
amendment of their provisions except by unanimous action on the 
part of all the States. The constitutional convention's course in 
making the ratifications of only nine States necessary to carry their 
scheme into effect had been revolutionary though justifiable. There 
was, therefore, no moral obligation resting on either Rhode Island or 
North Carolina to come into the new nation. The latter was out for 
nearly seven months and the former for over a year. It has been 
said by constitutional philosophers that these are the only two States 
that ever exercised the full powers of State sovereignity. But it has 
also been observed that even at this period neither of the States 
named ever exercised the functions essential to making a common- 
wealth a nation. Neither ever obtained or sought diplomatic recog- 
nition by the nations of the world. Neither ever attempted to 
levy war, to create a navy, or to assert its individ.uality in any way. 
Their entrance into the Union was not coerced in any manner, it is 
true, but it was certain to come. Nobody had any doubt about it. 
Coercion would have been absurd and could only have delayed the 
natural course of events. 

Besides North Carolina and Rhode Island, Vermont (1791), Ken- 
tucky (1792), and Tennessee (1796), were admitted to the Union 
during the eight years of Washington's administration. Vermont had 
done good service to the cause of the Colonies in the course of the 
Revolution. The Green Mountain Boys under Ethan Allen were 
unexcelled in energy or in valor. But in the Continental Congress, 
under the Confederation, and up to the adoption of the Constitution, 
fellowship as one of the family of States had been denied to Vermont 
because her territory was a bone of contention between New York and 
New Hampshire. This contention having been happily settled, every- 
body was glad to have Vermont come in. Kentucky was the first 
State to be admitted west of the Alleghany Mountains. With the 
spirit of Daniel Boone, their great pioneer, her settlers were quick to 



150 so UVEA'/ A' AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



see and to seize upon the possibility of identification with a free 
nation. Tennessee came next. This ended the territorial aggran- 
dizement of the Union under Washington. 

Of the work really accomplished by the first President in endear- 
ing the Constitution to his fellow citizens by means of temperate 
action and judicious interpretation, it is hard to speak too highly. 
He was not too ready to assume even the powers vested in him by 
the text of that document. He avoided mooted questions. He never 
claimed the right to remove officers without the consent of the 
Senate. His use of the veto power was extremely limited. He held 
that it was an unusual prerogative, intended only for the purpose of 
checking hasty or unconstitutional legislation, and not meant to vest 
him with one-sixth of the legislative power. It is hardly necessary 
to remark, in conclusion, that Washington's administration did nothing 
during its whole existence that could be held to have infringed upon 
the letter or the spirit of the Constitution, or of the amendments 
thereto. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

JOHN ADAMS. 
1797-1801. 

John Adams, the second President of the United States, and the 
first to be elected by a party, was a native of Braintree, Mass., and was 
born in 1735. He was a member of an English family which had 
come to America in 1630, — ten years after the landing of the May- 
flower, and which had become thoroughly identified with the social 
and political life of the Bay State. Even prior to the Revolution, he 
had made a reputation as a jurist and as an advocate at the bar. In 
1774 Adams was elected to the Continental Congress, and was one of 
the most steadfast friends of the policy of independence. In 1776 he 
was with Jefferson on the committee of two to draft a Declaration, 
and, though the latter actually drew up the document, both agreed on 
the report. Adams was appointed with Jay, Laurens, Jefferson and 
Franklin in 1782 to settle terms of peace with Great Britain. In 1783 
he was appointed to represent America at the Court of St. James. On 
the establishment of the new Constitution he was elected Vice-Presi- 
dent, and in 1796 was chosen President to succeed Washington. At 
the same time, Jefferson became Vice-President under the system of 
election which gave the Presidency to the candidate having the 
largest number of electoral votes, and the Vice-Presidency to the one 
having the next highest number, which was abolished by the twelfth 
amendment. At the end of his term Adams was beaten for re-elec- 
tion by eight votes. On leaving the Presidency he retired to his farm 
at Quincy, Massachusetts, and devoted himself to agriculture. His 
mental faculties remained in full vigor during his old age ; he took an 
active, mterest in all public affairs, and as late as 1820 was a member 
of a State convention. He died on July 4, 1826, just fifty years after 
the signing of the Declaration of Independence, and less than one 
year before his son took the oath of office as President of the United 
States. Adams represented New England more distinctively than any 
other man in public life. Of a family which had been foremost in the 
struggle for freedom, his patriotism was undoubted, and his honest 
energy of character commanded the respect of even his opponents. 

151 



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OFFICIAL FROG RAM ME. 15'^ 

His ideas on governmental theory and governmental policy were the 
same as those of Washington and of Hamilton. He was a Federalist, 
confident in his belief that serious deflection from the course which 
had led to substantial liberty in l^igland was sure to end in disaster. 
His party was based on the idea that all power coming first from the 
whole people is vested in a sovereign or in a central government, and, 
as a corollary, that the powers of even States in the American sense, 
are derived by delegation from such central authority. Each colony 
had enjoyed such powers, as the gift of the British Crown and the 
British Parliament. The Federalists held that Crown and Parliament 
had been superseded by Congress, by Confederation, and by Federal 
Covernment successively. Recognizing, therefore, the rights of the 
States, they did not look upon those rights as paramount, and did not 
own that the States had given to the Federal system all or any of the 
prerogatives which it possessed under the Constitution. They were, 
therefore, predisposed to what was generally known as Centralization. 

'J'he Republican party, under the leadership of Mr. Jefferson, held 
on the other hand that the Constitution was a compact of States, — an 
indissoluble compact indeed, but one which derived all its authority 
from the several parties to the agreement, and consequently could 
have no inferential powers of sovereignty, having inherited nothing 
from previously existent central governments. This party was nec- 
essarily bound to a strict construction of the Constitution, and to fa- 
voring a tendency toward the localization of power. 

These parties came to be known by their opponents respectively 
as the English and French parties. It has been necessary to outline 
the difference between them here, because, in so far as theory is con- 
cerned, it underlies all party divisions in America. But while the 
ideas of Adams and Washington, as formulated, were the same, the 
country foimd an immense difference between Virginia Federalism 
and Massachusetts Federalism in practical application. Puritanism 
loves antagonism. Blue laws and belligerency go hand in hand. 
Massachusetts' fondness for the church militant found collateral de- 
velopment in Adams' acrid espousal of the cause of centralization. 
Directly through the influence of the administration, two enactments 
were framed and passed by Congress, which have passed into history 
as the "alien" and "sedition" laws. The first gave the President 
power to exclude from the United States any alien whose presence 
here was, in his opinion, dangerous to American institutions. The 
second made the utterance of false, malicious, and bitter assaults upon 
the President or the administration, or their publication, a penal of- 



154 



SOUVENIR AND 



fense, and also forbade " conspiracies to overthrow the existing ad- 
ministration." The pubHc excitement stirred up by these laws was 
intense, and the public disapproval with which they were greeted put 
a sword of admirable temper into the hands of Jefferson. 

Two States — Virginia and Kentucky — passed in their Legislatures 
resolutions regarding these laws, which went far beyond the subject 
matter of the laws themselves. Virginia's resolutions were drawn by 
Jefferson himself, and, for the time, asserted the doctrine of nullifi- 
cation. They insisted that improper or tyrannous laws passed by 
Congress might properly be guarded against by State laws of an op- 
posite purport. Kentucky's resolutions were equally positive. And 
a similar spirit of resistance was aroused among the opponents of 
Adams all over the country, which has never been paralleled by the 
effect of any enactment in our history, except the fugitive slave law. 
At this period America was not unaffected by the course of military 
and political events in Europe. France had become a republic. The 
blood of noble men and noble women had been shed like water, it is 
true ; and, in the minds of American Federalists, all sympathy for 
French republicanism was wiped out by revulsion at bloodshed. But 
Jefferson, a personal friend of Thomas Paine, and, above all, a lover, 
of liberty in the abstract, represented the masses of Americans in his 
admiration of the patriotism of Frenchmen and the invincible energy 
of republican France, meeting on the battle-fields of Europe a combi- 
nation of all the powers of despotism, and contending with them on 
equal terms. 

President Adams was, therefore, at a disadvantage. There had 
been some reason for the alien and sedition laws. France and Eng- 
land alike had not yet given up the idea of making a dependency out 
of the new American nation. Press and rostrum alike were cultivat- 
ing the habit of indulging unbridled bitterness. The expressions used 
in the newspapers and on the stump at that day would not be tolerated 
for a moment now. But it was a blunder to imagine that legislation 
could furnish a remedy for evils of this sort, and that blunder left the 
administration open to assault. Adams' friends could not deny that 
the aliens whom he wished to expel were French aliens. Still less 
could they defend the partisan character of the sedition law. The 
Jatter was assailed also as in almost direct violation of the first amend- 
ment to the Constitution ; and to most writers on constitutional law 
it has seemed difficult, at least, to reconcile the two. 

The embroilment with France, which occurred during the first two 
years of Adams' administration, had, therefore, a direct bearing on 



OFFICIAL FROGRAMME. 



155 



contemporaneous politics in America. Our trade with England was 
greater than with all other European powers put together. In time of 
war between England and France it was natural that I*' ranee should 
be a greater aggressor than England against American commerce. 
The law of nations, in its bearing on the rights of neutrals' ships, was 
not then so well defined as at present. But the carrying trade of the 
United States was then a most valuable one, and any administration 
was obliged to do all that could be done for its protection against ag- 
gression on the part of either England or France. It is probably true 
that President Adams was perfectly conscientious in all his diplomatic 
intercourse with the French government. There seems to be no rea- 
son to believe that, to further the ends of the "English" party, he 
aimed at war with the French republic. Indeed, the treaty of peace, 
signed in 1800, precludes any such conclusion. But some of the 
earlier efforts of the administration to maintain " peace with honor" 
were unfortunate. Almost at the end of the administration of Wash- 
ington, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Carolina, had been 
sent as minister to France ; and, on his arrival at Paris, had been re- 
fused recognition by the Directory. His attention had been perti- 
nently called to the law which prohibited any foreigner from residing 
in France more than thirty days without permission. For such per- 
mission Pincki'iey most indignantly refused to apply, and at once 
retired to Amsterdam, where he waited for further action by his own 
government. President Adams sent out John Marshall and Elbridge 
Gerry to aid Minister Pinckney in settling the difificulty. They joined 
Pinckney in his retreat, and at once began communication with the 
government of France. But either because the choice of envoys had 
been unwise, or because the provoked indignation of Pinckney had 
left too much bitterness behind it, or because France was inclined, 
from mere motives of policy, to adhere to the course which would do 
most to weaken England, the ambassadors succeeded in doing 
nothing ; and although President .\dams did succeed at last in ending 
the French trouble, this failure, believed by his enemies to have been 
intentional, helped to rouse public feeling against him, and was one of 
the causes of Mr. Jefferson's success in 1800. 

With Adams the Federalist party died. Its ideas survived, and 
appeared later under another name when his son became President of 
the United States. Their modification and evolution into the doc- 
trines of the Whig and Republican parties will be treated later on. 



156 SOUl'£AJ/i AND 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
i801-lb09. 

Thomas Jefferson was born at Shaclwell, Va., in 1 743, and enjoyed 
the advantages of a thorough education at the Colonial institutions of 
his native State. His interest in politics began to display itself at a 
very early date, and at the age of thirty years in 1773 was elected to 
the State Legislature. His grasp of all questions relating to public 
policy was soon felt. He gained the respect of his colleagues, too, 
by his uniform courtesy and his command of the principles of consti- 
tutional law and parliamentary practice. This reputation led the 
people of Virginia to send him to the Continental Congress, and in 
1776 he was chosen to draft the Declaration of Independence. That 
document was at once a firm statement of the American position, a 
full justification of the action of Congress in the eyes of the world, 
and a credit to American statesmanship. The man who had penned 
it was entitled to be held, and was held in the highest esteem by his 
countrymen. He returned home, and Virginia could not do him too 
much honor. Elected Governor of the State, he held that position 
through all the trying period of the Revolution, and under his lead 
the Old Dominion was always first in the field as in the council, ready 
with her valor or her advice or her treasury to advance the cause of 
the new nation which was being christened in blood and human suf- 
fermg. It is impossible at this late day to do full justice to the ser- 
vice which Jefferson rendered at that time. The best commentary on 
its value is to be found in the relations which always existed between 
Washington and Jefferson in spite of their differing views on politics 
and constitutional development. Each had the respect and warm 
friendship of the other. In 1784 Mr. Jefferson went to Paris as the 
representative of the American Congress, and while there was treated 
with the greatest consid"eration hy the French Court. In 1789 he was 
called to the Cabinet as Secretary of State. A candidate for the Pres- 
idency at the end of Washington's term, he was beaten by Adams, and 
as before noted, became Vice-President until 1800, when he was 
elected President. 

The crowning act of Jefferson's administration was the purchase 
of Louisiana for $15,000,000 from France. He retired from ofifice on 
March 4, 1809, and after living in retirement over seventeen years 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 




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158 SOUVENIR AND 



died on July 4, 1826, the very day of the decease of John Adams. 
This is one of the most curious coincidences in American history. On 
that day the whole country from Charleston to Boston was firing 
cannon, ringmg bells, listening to patriotic speeches, and setting-off 
fireworks in honor of the semi-centennial of American Independence. 
The rival party leaders who had together formed the Declaration 
heard even upon their death-beds the exultant shouts of freemen. 
Democrats and Whigs on that day had forgotten their differences and 
temporarily fused their bitternesses in the general ardor of patriotism. 
A few days later, in every town and hamlet, each of the two parties was 
mourning the loss of a long-retired chieftain who had represented the 
earliest formulation of its own ideas. 

Jefferson's character was always that of a disinterested patriot. A 
Virginian and a slaveholder, he never hesitated to express his regret 
that slavery existed, to advocate its exclusion from the great North- 
west, and to press upon the State of Virginia the desirability of a 
gradual emancipation. A friend of France, he was as firm in resist- 
ing French encroachments upon the liberty of our commerce as in 
meeting such encroachments when they came from England. An ad- 
vocate of the theory of strict construction, he never let even that the- 
ory stand in the way of anything that could advance American inter- 
ests. The well-being of the whole country was first in his mind, the 
local interests of Virginia and Virginians second, and the personal 
interests of Thomas Jefferson last and least of all. 

It was singularly fitting, that under the Presidency of such a man 
the first addition should have been made to the territorial extent of 
the United States. Alien control of the mouth of the Mississippi had 
created a great deal of rancor in the minds of those pioneers who had 
settled along the tributaries of that river. Their commerce was im- 
peded by such control, and they had a right to expect that the gen- 
eral government would do something to protect it. No treaty could 
do this, and in case of war our settlers had before their minds all the 
terrible bloodshed which might result from the use by Frenchmen of 
an almost perpetually existent alliance between themselves and the 
aborigines. Uneasiness, under the circumstances, was natural, and 
Jefferson knew that attempts at repression could only raise such un- 
easiness to fever heat. He did not believe in repression. For every 
popular agitation he saw the only effective remedy in a removal of 
the causes which produced such agitation. He set about making ne- 
gotiations for the purchase of the whole Louisiana territory, and in 
these negotiations he had one advantage which Adams would not 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. I 59 

have enjoyed. Napoleon, who, in 1803, was in absolute control of 
the French Government, knew that in President Jefferson he was deal- 
ing with a friend of French Republicanism, and an enemy to the 
house of Bourbon as well as to all the despotic dynasties in league 
to force upon France a family which she had rejected. At that time, 
too, the French were drawing no income at all from Louisiana. On 
the other hand, its immense frontier was calculated to involve great 
expense for its defense. By selling it, they could cement friendship 
between France and America, and at the same time make the United 
States so great territorially as to preclude the possibility of its ever 
becoming again a dependency of Great Britain nominally or in fact. 
Napoleon, in agreeing to the sale, gave one of the crowning evidences 
of his statesmanship. Jefferson, in proposing it, had earned the ever- 
lasting gratitude of Americans. 

By means of this purchase the United States obtained a tremen- 
dous territory extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific 
Ocean and comprising a range of climates and soils wonderfully va- 
ried, and which under the beneficent governmental conditions already 
established could not fail to appeal with an inviting summons to the 
poor and the oppressed millions of Europe, whose energy and brawn 
and muscle were to make this the richest country on the face of the 
globe. It was largely uninhabited except by natives. The Creole 
population in New Orleans and the surrounding section of Louisiana 
proper (afterwards the State of Louisiana) was indeed a strange 
mixture of French and Spanish blood, but the blood was good. 
Honor and integrity were as much respected there, as in New Eng- 
land ; and if the people were not used to the local autonomy allowed 
by the system, they were well fitted to appreciate the value of such 
autonomy aud to accept it with a full sense of its responsibilities. In 
less than twenty years two new States had been created from this 
territory. Nine other States have since been admitted, and all but 
two of the territories now applying for admission were acquired in the 
same purchase. 

Hamilton, who had controlled the financial administration of the 
government, directly or indirectly, during the twelve years preceding 
Jefferson's accession to power, had been a believer in the theory of 
import duties, not only as a means of raising a revenue, but as a meth- 
od of fostering the manufacturing industries of this country. The 
tendency of those duties had been therefore to increase under 
Washington and Adams. Jefferson, while not absolutely against 
the policy of what was known, even at that day, as "protection," 



l6o SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

steadily applied himself to the reduction of duties. Even more 
positively, however, did he oppose the practice of imposing direct 
taxes. He sought to reduce in every possible way the burdens rest- 
ing on the people. 

Jefferson published no literary work except his " Notes on Vir- 
ginia," which was brought out in 1782. His speeches and state 
papers, however, are marvels of clear and vigorous English, and his 
aphorisms constitute still the political bible of a large section of the 
American people in all parts of the country. His sentences are pol- 
ished as well as keen, his logic is effective, and his writings leave little 
to be contested if his premises are granted. The latter were, of 
course, hotly contested by the Hamiltonians. 

Ohio, a free State, was the only one admitted to the Union during 
the administration of Jefferson. It was even then a large and thriv- 
ing commonwealth, giving fair promise of its future greatness. The 
country in 1809 was as a whole in far better condition than when 
Jefferson assumed the reins of government. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

JAMES MADISON. 
1809-1817. 

James Madison was born at King George, Virginia, in 175 1. At 
a comparatively early age he became identified with public life in the 
colony and in 1776 was a delegate to a State convention, in which his 
soimd sense and logical acuteness made him one of the most prom- 
inent members. In 1779 he was sent to Congress, and at once took a 
significant part in the National Council. In 1785 he again accepted 
an election to the Legislature, and in 1787 was a member of the con- 
vention which drew up the Federal Constitution. With Jay and Ham- 
ilton he was a contributor to the Federalist. Under the new adminis- 
tration Madison declined the mission to France and afterwards the 
Secretaryship of State. From 1792 up to the close of the presiden- 
tial term of Adams he was a leading member of the House of Rep- 
resentatives. He wrote the "Kentucky Resolutions" above 
alluded to, asserting the right of a State to take measures to protect 
its citizens from laws improperly passed by Congress. Madison did 
all in his power to secure the election of Jefferson to the Presidency, 
and occupied at his hands the position of Secretary of State, which 
he had refused when offered by Washington. He was elected Presi- 
dent himself in 1808 and served until March 4, 1817. During his term 
the war of 181 2 was begun and ended with honor to the country. 
When his term was concluded, Madison retired to Montpelier, Vir- 
ginia, and from that time until his death in 1836 took no part in pub- 
lic affairs. 

The part played by the writers who contributed to the Federalist, 
in securing the adoption of the Constitution is conceded to have been 
a most important one. They had to contend against some of the 
keenest intellects of their age. Patrick Henry and George Mason, in 
Virginia; Elbridge Gerry, in Massachusetts; Martin, in Maryland; 
Clinton, Yates, and Lansing, in New York; were patriotic in purpose 
but were making use of petty colonial jealousies, unworthy of free and 
independent States. Against such men, -Awy faux pas, in temper or 
in logic, would have been fatal. Madison, no less than Jay and 

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Hamilton, fully appreciated this fact. Three more cautious states- 
men never helped to make a nation, but all of them knew how to be 
firm too, and in yielding non-essentials to secure what was most valu- 
able to the new Government. It is not remarkable then that we find 
in the Federalist not only the fullest source of information that we 
have as to the intent of the framers of the Constitution, but also an 
idea of the proper judicial construction, which has been followed, 
though not without some deviations, by the courts. Madison, in the 
Kentucky resolutions, it is true, advanced a theory which has not 
been accepted, and might have been fatal to national life if it had 
been accepted by the Supreme Court; viz: that the States retain 
power to decide what laws of Congress are constitutional, and what 
are unconstitutional. But in general he held to the views expressed 
in the Federalist, and on that particular occasion there was much 
excuse for radicalism. That the alien and sedition laws were tyran- 
nous as well as impolitic, is hardly doubted now, by anyone. An 
experiment which would not be tolerated at the present day produced 
even more excitement when tried so soon after the establishment of 
the new system, and it was to such excitement, as already stated, 
that the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions owed their birth. 

It is a curious fact, too, that under Madison's own administration 
the New England States were first to take advantage of the fallacy 
involved in those Kentucky resolutions. The first act of hostility in 
the necessary war with Great Britain was to lay an embargo on 
British commerce in our ports, and on commerce with the dependen- 
cies of Great Britain. This bore with great weight on the carrying 
trade and the mercantile interests of New England, and produced a 
great deal of irritation. Out of such irritation arose the Hartford 
Convention of 18 14, in which the right, not merely of nullification, 
but of secession was asserted, and secession on the part of New Eng- 
land was actually threatened. In the face of a foreign war with such 
a power as Great Britain, it is hard to see how such a convention 
could be justified. Injuries done to the crews of New England ves- 
sels had in large measure produced the war. The real question at 
issue was whether England had the right to search American vessels 
for British subjects and carry them away by force, even though they 
might be naturalized Americans, on the theory of "once a British 
subject, always a British subject." In freeing Yankee vessels from 
this invidious "right of search," Madison ought to have been able 
to count on the support of the Yankees themselves. If they found 
their pockets touched temporarily, it was none the less to their per- 



164 SOUVENIR AND 



manent interest to get rid of such an incubus even at serious expense, 
to say nothing of the maintenance of national dignity, in which 
Massachusetts had once vied with Virginia. But fortunately, danger- 
ous as it might have been, the Hartford Convention only succeeded 
in leaving a bad precedent along with the evil odor of its unpatriotic 
conception. The war was brought to a close, the treaty of Ghent had 
been signed, our arms had been victorious and our diplomacy had 
been justified, the embargo was over, and New England was pacified 
before Madison left the presidency. 

Our Navy, on the high seas as on the great lakes, had fairly con- 
tested the maritime supremacy of England. Her commerce had 
been harassed in such a way that her merchants would have been 
willing to make almost any sacrifice to secure peace. Our privateers 
had scoured the main with persistence, in spite of the feeble opposi- 
tion of the British navy, until vessels built on the Clyde and manned 
by native Englishmen no longer dared to fly the merchant flag of 
Great Britain. What France in a long continued war, aided by the 
organizing genius of Napoleon, had never succeeded in accomplishing, 
American sailors had done. It was a proud day for the new nation 
when the treaty of Ghent was consummated. The "right of search" 
was not mentioned in the treaty, but in the eyes of all nations it was 
everlastingly discredited by virtue of the result of that war. And 
when, during the administration of Lincoln, England herself denied 
the same right to us, it was a full recognition that her claims leading 
up to the war of 181 2 were arbitrary and unjust. 

In its domestic policy, the administration of Madison was charac- 
terized by dignity and conservatism. The bitterness which it created 
was all directly or indirectly connected with its foreign policy. And 
the election of Monroe, Madison's Secretary of State, as his suc- 
cessor, was a complete vindication by the popular voice of Madison's 
course in public life. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. l6s 



JAMES MONROE. 
1817-1825. 

James Monroe, the fourth Virginian to be elected to the Presi- 
dency, was born in Westmoreland County, in 1758, and at the age of 
18 years entered the Continental Army as a cadet. He served with 
credit through the Revolution, and at its close took up the study of 
law in the office of Jefferson, who, even at that time, was an imposing- 
figure in the politics of Virginia. He was elected to the Legislature 
in 1782, but his services in that body did not interfere with his legal 
studies. After the Philadelphia Convention had drawn up the Fed- 
eral Constitution, Monroe, like Jefferson, was not altogether friendly 
to the plan adopted. In fact his opposition went farther than that of 
the latter, who wanted nine States to ratify, or enough to carry the 
document into effect and the rest to wait until amendments had been 
adopted. Monroe agreed rather with Patrick Henry and stood 
against any ratification of Virginia. He was a Republican of the 
most radical type. Washington, appreciating his genius, sent him to 
France as the American representative, and he was received with the 
greatest enthusiasm by the Revolutionists there. But toward the end 
of his second term, Washington, having gravitated steadily toward 
a representation of the Federalist or " English " party, thought it 
wise to recall Monroe and to send Pinckney of South Carolina in his 
place. The result of this course has been already noted. 101799 
Monroe was elected Governor of Virginia. In 1803 he was the agent 
of Jefferson in negotiating the purchase of Louisiana. As Secretary 
of State under Madison he was thoroughly en rapport with his chief. 
Assuming the Presidency in 1817 he became the most popular Presi- 
dent with men of all parties that the country had had since Washing- 
ton. The acquisition of Florida from Spain and the temporary 
settlement of the slavery agitation by the Missouri Compromise were 
the most important features of Monroe's administration. He was 
known as the Great Pacificator. The recognition of Mexico and the 
South American republics as independent states with the settlement 
of questions relating thereto, led to the enunciation of the " Monroe 
Doctrine," to the effect that the United States cannot permit the ac- 
quisition or extension by a European government of political power 
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On his retirement to Oak Hill, Loudon County, Virginia, in 1825, 
Monroe only interested himself in strictly local affairs. He held the 
office of justice of the peace, and discharged its duties as conscien- 
tiously as if he had never been Chief Magistrate of the whole Repub- 
lic. He was a visitor to the State University and on one occasion 
consented to act as delegate to a State convention. But his private 
affairs soon became involved. He did not know how to limit his hos- 
pitality. He fell hopelessly into debt, and, leaving his estate for the 
partial satisfaction of his creditors, he left the State and came to New 
York, where he died in the residence of a relative on July 4, 1831. 

The administration of Monroe marks the close of a political epoch 
in American history. The Republican party under that name ended 
with him, just as the Federalist party had ended with John Adams. 
Henceforth Whigs and Democrats were to be the great party classi- 
fications. The Missouri agitation had brought to the front a great 
question of constitutional interpretation. The relations of the Con- 
stitution to the institution of slavery had been doubtful from the 
start. In the South Carolina Ratification Convention, Rawlins 
Lowndes had asserted that the Federal Government would have full 
power to abolish slavery — even in the States, if the document were 



1 68 SOUVENIR AND 



ratified. Rutledge had denied it. Similar assertions had been niaile 
in the Georgia and the North Carolina Conventions. Even in Vir- 
ginia, where the sentiment was strongly with Mason against perpet- 
uating slavery, this argument had been used against the Constitution. 
But the North had never claimed the right of the Nation to interfere 
with slavery within the States. But with regard to the Territories 
and the District of Columbia the only concession made had come 
from the South. Virginia, having given the Northwest Territory to 
the Confederation, had consented to the Dane resolution forever pro- 
hibiting slavery there. At the same time, the sentiment at the South 
was growing irritated over a disposition to extend that prohibition to 
other territory. Louisiana had been admitted 1812, Indiana in 1816, 
Mississippi in 181 7, and Illinois in 1818, and the policy of balancing 
each slave State by a free one would always leave the free States with 
a majority in Congress. Southern men felt that as every class of 
property owned in the North was admitted to the Territories, it was an 
invidious distinction to bar out what the South looked upon as a per- 
fectly legitimate species of property and one specially recognized by 
the Constitution, which constituted a large element in the wealth of 
the Southern States. The invention of the cotton-gin by Eli Whit- 
ney in 1793 had given a new turn to industrial development in the 
Gulf States and the Southwest. Cotton had become the most valu- 
able of agricultural products. No soil on the face of the earth was 
so well adapted for its cultivation as our own. But slaves in large 
numbers and under far more rigorous discipline than domestic slavery 
enforced were necessary to such cultivation. This was the genesis of 
the cotton-power and also of the slave-power, as such ; for, but for 
this new element, unanticipated by the framers of the Constitution, it 
is reasonable to believe that the institution itself would have been 
gradually wiped out, even at the South. 

Missouri and Alabama were cotton States. If Alabama were 
admitted, it must be as a slave State, and the majority of Missouri's 
population were of the same mind. Alabama's admission could be 
managed in 1818 by an arrangement for taking in Maine too. Mis- 
souri, however, presented a new problem. How far north was the 
territory of Louisiana to be covered by slave States ? This was the 
question that came up during the Monroe administration. It was the 
subject of most heated debates, and was finally settled by the " Mis- 
souri compromise," proceeding from the fertile brain of Henry Clay, 
the Kentucky statesman, who had been one of the signers of the 
Treaty of Ghent, and was alreaily a great power in the House of 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. I 69 

Representatives. Missouri was admitted on condition that she should 
not l)ar out free negroes who were citizens of (jther States. It was 
declared that neither slavery nor invcjjuntary servitude, except for 
crime, should he allowed to exist in the Louisiana I'erritory north of 
36° 30' N.L. This arrangement suited neither side, but was accepted 
as a last resort. Missouri was finally admitted in 1821. 

On the tariff question, Monroe favored moderate protection, and 
was supported even by Calhoun, of South Carolina, whose name was 
identified with the Tariff Bill of 1817. It is fair to note, however, 
that Calhoun was comparatively young at this time, and that his ideas 
on the subject of governmental system and of governmental policy 
were in their formative stage. No one of the great statesmen of his 
period is so little liable to the charge of inconsistency as John C. 
Calhoun. Probal)ly no man of his time exerted a more positive influ- 
ence on the future of his country. But as between a tariff and direct 
taxes, he was probably in full accord with the President in favoring 
the former. The tendency of Monroe to unite all parties was a pecu- 
liar one. It led to a quadruple candidacy for the succession — Jack- 
son, Crawford, Adams, and Clay being the contestants, and standing 
in the the above named order as regards the number of electoral 
votes received. The result was an election by the House of Repre- 
sentatives, still under the influence of Clay, who, barred out personally 
by the fact that he was last in the list, still had the power to compel 
the election of John Quincy Adams. With the single exception of 
the Electoral Commission decision in 1877, no choice of a President 
has created so much doubt as to its equity among t"he masses. Jack- 
son was their idol. He had had a jilurality of electoral votes. His 
vindication came four years later. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
1825-1829. 

John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, son of the Second Pres- 
ident of the United States, was born in 1767. He had the advantage 
of a scholarly education in his early boyhood, but was still a lad when 
his father went abroad as the representative of the struggling colonies, 
and he went with him. He passed several years at Paris, in Denmark, 
and in England, and met in each of those countries a large number 
of prominent people, by contact with whom he acquired a training 
that was invaluable to him in after-life. During the presidency of 
his father and while still a young man he was sent on an embassy to 
Prussia, and in the course of the trip took occasion to travel to Silesia, 
of which country a description is given in his published letters. Soon 
after his return to America he was engaged as Professor of Rhetoric 
at Harvard College, the leading educational institution of the country. 
A little later, the Legislature chose him to represent the State in the 
Senate of the United States. President Madison appreciated his worth 
and persuaded him to accept a position in the diplomatic service of 
the country, first as Minister to the Court of St. Petersburgh, and 
then a Envoy Extraordinary to Great Britain. In the latter capacity 
he became one of the signers of the treaty of Ghent. Monroe thought 
better use could be made of John Quincy Adams on this side of the 
water, and offered him the position of Secretary of State, which was 
accepted. His capacity for work was something prodigious, and he 
made a very effective executive. He seemed to have been very little 
affected by the politics of his father and of the Massachusetts Fed- 
eralists in general, and, like the former, had a most amiable temper, 
which could not fail to make friends. But without any of that ele- 
ment which is known as magnetism, he was more popular with public 
men than with the masses. The method of his election to the Presi- 
dency has been already mentioned. It was his course in giving the 
Secretaryship of State to Henry Clay, who had caused him to be 
elected President, that was denounced by the fiery-tongued and thin- 

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fingered John Randolph of Roanoke as a "Coalition of Puritan and 
Blackleg." 

The administration of John Quincy Adams was a temperate and 
a just one. It made foreign powers respect America, and at the same 
time compelled them to recognize the fact that we could keep all 
agreements on our own part, and were as little inclined to impose on 
others as to be imposed upon ourselves. Its domestic policy was also 
well chosen. Nothing was done to irritate the growing sensitiveness 
of the Southern States, with whose peculiar institution the President 
could have no sympathy, and was not suspected of having any. But 
when Adams left the Presidency he thought it wise to take a course 
different from that to which he had been constrained as much by a 
sense of ofiicial delicacy as by realization of public policy. 

He had only been out of the Chief Magistracy for two years when 
his own district chose to elect him a member of the Lower House 
of the National Legislature, and he occupied that position. His 
place in the House was always filled. He kept track of every bill 
that was presented, and his work in committee was as hard as that which 
he had performed as Secretary of State and as President. He was 
the Banerges of New England. No member could count himself 
secure from Adams' caustic tongue. Few cared to meet him in debate. 
Many were more eloquent than he, and hundreds had more force 
upon the stump or before a miscellaneous audience. But all through 
his public life this remarkable man had kept a memorandum-book in 
which he had preserved telling facts which had come under his per- 
sonal observation. It was this memorandum-book of which his col- 
legues stood in more fear than of Adams. They could count on 
having any individual inconsistency or an]' false statement of alleged 
fact exposed by the production of John Quincy Adams' memorandum. 
It came to be a nightmare to his fellow members. But for this, 
great as his abilities were, he could have expected only rather ill- 
natured ridicule from the members of the opposite side. In the first 
place, he had made it a rule never to fight a duel, never to send a 
challenge or receive one — and that was not at all a popular course at 
an age when even such men as Clay and Randolph met on the duelling 
field, and similar affairs were of almost constant occurrence. Then, 
too, Adams had became an abolitionist, and was not recognized by 
either of the two parties as representing its views. He had only a 
small following, even in Massachusetts. There were a few hot op- 
ponents of slavery on principle among the Quakers of Pennsylvania, 
but elsewhere they were hardly to be found. In the face of such 



174 



SOUVENIR AND 



public sentiment, North and South, the Ex-President not only avowed 
his belief in the abolition heresy, but took up the cudgels in its de- 
fence. At the same time that he disclaimed all personal responsi- 
bility except to God and his constituents, Adams was acting in such 
a way as to offend the sincerest convictions of his Southern confreres 
and to almost justify them in treating him as a crank. He simply 
deluged the House with petitions against slavery, until the reading of 
such documents became a nuisance which threatened to interfere 
with all public business. And when it was attempted to refer them 
without reading, the New England giant turned upon his critics, with 
an analysis and historical treatment of the right of petition and its 
importance to the cause of liberty in all ages, backed up by all the 
learning of which he was master, and thrice buttressed in the results 
of his laborious individual research. This was irrefutable. It sub- 
jected his opponents to a disagreeable alternative and tickled his 
Massachusetts constituents. In 1842 Mr. Adams went so far in illus- 
trating the right of petition as to present a request for a dissolution 
of the Union bearing many signatures, and to demand for it considera- 
tion. He had come to have so many enemies that an effort was 
afterwards made to use this against him by insinuating that the 
spirit of the Hartford Convention was not yet dead, and that what the 
New Englanders really wanted was a dissolution of the Union. Such 
an assault was unfair ; but characteristic of the politics of that 
period. Mr. Adams spent eighteen years of almost daily combat in 
the House of Representatives, and died in 1848, during a session of 
that body, in which he was still a member. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



175 



ANDREW JACKSON. 
1829-1837. 

Andrew Jackson, seventh President of the United States, was 
born in 1767, and was a native of South Carolina. His father's fam- 
ily had come from Scotland, and had lived but a very short time in 
this country. At the age of thirteen years the boy enlisted in the 
army and fought under Sumter, having left a school where he was 
being educated for the ministry. He began the study of law in 1784, 
and soon afterward received the appointment of Solicitor for the 
Western District of South Carolina, which soon became the State of 
Tennessee. A man of absolute fearlessness and sound sense soon 
makes himself felt in a new country, and the capacity of Jackson 
met recognition in a very short time. He was a member of the 
Convention which formed the State Constitution in 1796. After this 
he was chosen successively a Congressman, a United States Senator, 
and a Judge of the State Supreme Court. Up to this time his repu- 
tation had been that of a civilian alone, but on being made Major-Gen- 
eral of the militia of the State of Tennessee, he proved his ability as 
an organizer, and when, in 18 13, there was a formidable outbreak of 
the Creek Indians to be repressed, Jackson was given a commission 
as Major-General in command of the United States forces, and pro- 
ceeded to chastise the aborigines. It has l)een said, and with some 
justice, that the power of the red man in the United States was finally 
broken by his victory over the Creeks, on March 27, 181 4. He turned 
his arms at once against the British forces which had landed on 
the soil of Louisiana, and in December of the same year won one of 
the most signal victories of the war in his defense of the city of New 
Orleans against Gen. Packenham. 

From this time out, the popularity of Gen. Jackson was limited 
by no State or sectional boundaries. On the cession of Florida to the 
United States by Spain he was made Governor of that country, and 
later was again chosen United States Senator by the Legislature of 
Tennessee. His struggle for the Presidency m 1824 having been de- 
feated by the coalition between John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay, 
he ran again m 1828, and m that year was successful. In 1832 he 
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Buren as his successor, retired to private life on March 4, 1837. He 
died in 1845. 

From the standpoint of constitutional. development the adminis- 
tration of Jackson is one of the most interesting in American history. 
He was more distinctly a party President than any of those who had 
preceded him in the Chief Magistracy. Even Jefferson had dealt 
gently with the Federalists whom he found in positions of trust and 
honor under the National government. Removals, except for cause, 
had been few and far between. To Jackson belongs the credit of 
having first fully appreciated the true genius of American institutions, 
which is not satisfied with a mere change in the occupancy of the 
White House, and which demands that every finger with which the 
Federal government touches the citizen shall pulsate with the same 
life as the heart which has been given by popular will to the centre 
of the Federal system. "To the victors belong the spoils," was a 
rather crude formulation of a great principle. It meant that citizens 
in New York or in South Carolina could have but little interest in 
National elections if their votes only removed one family from the 
Executive Mansion, and installed another, without effecting any change 
in postmasters, who had to deal daily with almost every family, in 
internal revenue collectors, with whom citizens must come in con- 
tact ; and custom-house officers, who had to execute, and often, in 
the first instance, interpret ihe laws governing import duties. It was 
then, in connection with the exercise of the appointing power, that 
Jackson first took a new departure, and left behind him that experi- 
mental statemanship which distrusted the popular intelligence and 
only half performed the popular will. 

But this was not all. Reading the Constitution as it was written, he 
saw that it was folly in a President to abjure the use of the veto power, 
or to limit the use of that power to cases in which the Constitution 
was clearly violated by a proposed law. He appreciated the fact 
that our system is not a mere imitation or parody on that of Great 
Britain, that abstinence from the use of a given prerogative may in 
time come to have the effect of a repudiation of that prerogative, 
and that a fair interpretation of fundamental law gave to the presi- 
dent the right, and imposed on him the obligation of vetoing not 
merely unconstitutional bills, but any that, in his opinion, were not in 
the public interest. On this belief he based his whole course of 
action. He took what the Constitution had given him, and assumed 
for the executive legislative power e(|ual to that of one-sixth of 
each House in the National Congress. For doing so he was severely , 



I yS SOUVENIR AND 



attacked by his party opponents, whose schemes he had thwarted, 
but their animadversions had little effect. In vain did Webster pro- 
claim the theory, that this was "an extraordinary power, to be exer- 
cised only in peculiar and'marked cases," and that "it was vested in 
the President, doubtless, as a guard against hasty and ill-considered 
legislation, and against any act, inadvertently passed, which might 
seem to encroach on the just authority of other branches of the gov- 
ernment." This was an administration with which facts were of more 
importance than theories. Fulminations of threats of impeachment 
only made the Executive more determined. Secure in his own sense 
of right, he defied all comers. His second election made it clear that 
the people were with him, and the practice for which he set the exam- 
ple has been approved by time and experience. No President now 
thinks of following any other course than that of Jackson, in his 
use of the veto power. 

It is not to the purpose in this sketch to go into a complete analy- 
sis of the struggle over the United States Bank. That there was a 
ring, or combination in Congress, of men, more or less interested 
pecuniarily in this bank, or socially in the men who were running it, 
is reasonably certain. That its management was not all that it 
should have been, was afterwards clearly proven. In taking the de- 
cisive step of taking away from the bank. United States deposits, 
however, Jackson was actuated by an idea far more comprehensive 
than that of crushing the bank. It was his honest belief that an 
independent treasury would be better for the Government. He was 
also convinced that the Executive Department in charge of the 
Treasury is the legal custodian of all funds belonging to the nation. 
He was opposed to paper currency, too, and believed that the step 
he had taken was in the direction of a return to specie. It is hardly 
necessary to say that on all these points, as on the ones before 
alludctl to, later experience has vindicated the judgment of Andrew 
Jackson. 

This modernizing of executive -procedure and of executive policy 
could hardly go on without making the administration a stormy one. 
The passage of a strong protective tariff law led to the bitterness in 
South Carolina, which found full vent in the halls of Congress. Cal- 
houn openly announced the theory of nullification which had been 
contained in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1797 and 1798, • 
and South Carolina prepared to act on that theory. Under a weaker 
President, action might have been taken whi(-h would have allowed 
the precedent. But the hero of New Orleans was as intent on see- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



179 



ing every law of Congress enforced in every part of the Union as he 
was in maintaining the full prerogatives of his own position. He gave 
full and fair notice that resistance to the enforcement of any such 
law would be regarded as treason and put down by force. To per- 
sonal friends, he intimated that he would hang Calhoun as a traitor, 
if any bloodshed was caused by the latter' s advice. There was no 
bloodshed. Calhoun had not contemplated any, and was not pre- 
pared for any such proclamation by the President. But the moral 
effect of the President's promptness was lost through the action of 
Congress. On the bank question Mr. Calhoun had become a tempo- 
rary ally of the Whig party, and that party repaid his assistance at the 
expense of all its traditions and all its principles. Mr. McLane, 
Secretary of the Treasury, and a moderate protectionist, had pre- 
pared a new tariff bill on the protectionist plan, which would have given 
some relief to South Carolina, without striking at manufacturing inter- 
ests in other States. Calhoun had rejected this proposition with 
scorn. It was all that the Administration had to offer. But Gulian 
Crommelin Verplanck, of New York, Chairman of the Ways and 
Means Committee of the House of Representatives, proposed a 
sweeping reduction bill, and another was submitted by Mr. Littell, 
of " The Living Age," to Henry Clay. Verplanck was a "Bank" 
Democrat, and a friend to what was known in New York City as 
'* Freedom of Exchange." His scheme would have been accepted 
if Clay had not frustrated him with Littell's bill, which came to be 
known as the Clay Compromise. It provided for an gradual reduction 
of duties for ten years, or until 1843, with a proviso that at the end of 
that term they should not be more than 20 per cent, ad val- 
orem. This was a complete surrender of the whole doctrine of pro- 
tection. It was accepted as such by Calhoun, who held that while it 
did not settle anything with regard to States' rights or nullification, it 
did surrender the right of Congress to levy duties for any other ob- 
ject than the raising of reveaue. The President did not feel justified 
in vetoing this compromise. But the story runs that he did not hesi- 
tate to express deep regret that Calhoun had not given him a chance 
to hang him. Compromises were not much in President Jackson's 
line of business. But the result of this whole agitation had been to 
make the reputation of the South Carolina statesman shine with re- 
newed splendor. His astuteness had won a victory in spite of Execu- 
tive menace and Northern interests. From the nettle danger he had 
plucked the flower safety It was a prize fully worthy of the risk 
involved in its acquisition. 



l8o SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

On some questions involving tlie rights of States, however, Jack- 
son was inclined to be more complacent. The Creek Indians had been 
ceded, by treaty with the United States, certain lands within the limits 
of the State of Georgia. The Legislature of that State passed a l)ill 
opening up such lands to settlement, and the Indians employed coun- 
sel to carry this case to the Supreme Court, and there to test the con- 
stitutionality of that law. In the court of final resort it was de- 
cided to be contrary to the Constitution of the United States, inas- 
much as a treaty constitutes the supreme law of the land. When 
Jackson heard of this decision, he said : " Well, Marshall (the chief 
justice) has laid down the law. Now, let us see how he will enforce 
it." The law was never enforced. The Creeks were removed to In- 
dian Territory in spite of the Supreme Court's verdict in their favor, 
and white settlers soon took possession of the land which they had 
held in Georgia, and made the wilderness blossom as the rose. In 
this case it may be conceded that Jackson's failure to use force 
against the State of Georgia was a little revolutionary. For no such 
decision can ever be enforced, except through the Executive, and a 
refusal to enforce it is a refusal to maintain the law. But here, as in 
all other instances, the President did what he thought was for the 
best, and if his law has not been accepted by the critics, it is hard to 
disagree with his sense of expediency. He made few errors, even in 
constitutional interpretation, and his heart was always close to that of 
the people. The name of " Old Hickory " will be honored among 
the American masses as long as America is a nation. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

MARTIN VAN BUREN. 
1837-1841. 

Martin Van Buren, of New York, was born in 1782, and was, 
therefore, the first of our Presidents who had taken no part, civil or 
miUtary, in the Revolution. He was one of those great masters of 
the art of mathematical politics who have, at various times, dominated 
the Empire State, and his tact was equal to his astuteness. He was 
United States Senator from 182 1 to 1827, and was chosen Governor 
of New York in 1829, sent as Minister to England in 1831, elected 
Vice-President in 1832, and became President in 1837 as the person- 
ally-selected successor of Andrew Jackson. After his retirement 
from the Presidency, Van Buren was twice a candidate before the 
people for the same ofifice. In 1844 he ran independently, and in 
1848 was the candidate of the Free Soil party. He died in 1862. 

Van Buren's administration was, in some respects, a colorless one. 
His name is not identified with any great principle in constitutional 
construction. Iowa was admitted to the Union as a free State in 1838 
to balance Florida. But the electricity of anti-slavery agitation was 
in the air, and the debates in both Houses of Congress was charac- 
terized by even more bitterness than during the time of Jackson. 
This bitterness was indirectly increased by the condition of affairs in 
the commercial world. An era of vast expansion of currency and of 
consequent general speculation had come to a close. Jackson's war on 
the Bank of the United States had precipitated the panic, and when it 
came in 1837 Van Buren was just entering upon his presidential term. 
It was most illogical for the people to hold him in anj'^ way responsible 
for the cataclysm which ensued. But at such times even the most 
intelligent of nations is likely to do injustice to those who happen to be 
in power when the cyclone comes. It was true, too, that Van Buren, 
as the chosen friend of Jackson, had to inherit the odium of the lat- 
ter's financial course as well as reflect the glory which shone from the 
firmness and consistency in civic life of the victor of New Orleans. 
The condition of affairs had not had a parallel in the history of 
America, and has never since been repeated, although we have had 
great panics, and the speculative world has been shaken to its depths 
several times. Nearly all the banks suspended, and revolution was 

181 



j82. 



SOUVENIR AND 



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threatened in the commercial cities. Van Buren's attitude through it 
all was that of a gentleman and of a statesman. All that the United 
States Treasury could do to relieve distress was done, but, as in the 
case of President Grant's attempt to meet a panic during his second 
term, these efforts availed little. The collapse had had its causes, of 
which it was the natural and inevitable result. Clear as this fact must 
have been to all thinking men, there were not lacking opposition 
orators in Congress to lay upon the Administration the whole blame 
for what had occurred. That the people listened to them is evi- 
dent from the fact that in 1840 Van Buren, as the regular candidate 
of the Democratic party, only secured sixty electoral votes, and was 
overwhelmingly defeated by the Whig candidate. 

The fact that Van Buren ran for the Presidency four times in all, 
and three after his incumbency, does not in any way indicate that he 
was a chronic office-seeker and still less does it leave room for logical 
inference that he over-estimated his own capacity, or his own popu- 
larity. That he loved power is true beyond a shadow of a doubt, but 
it was power to put others in office that he coveted; and in each case 
his ineffective candidacy for the Presidency was either a blow at his 
enemies in the State or Nation, or was expected to benefit his friends in 
one fashion or another. Mr. Van Buren had not been renominated by 
the Democracy in 1S44. He felt that an injustice had been done him, 
and that he had been made the victim of an agreement among the pro- 
slavery men in the Democratic party North and South. It is true that 
he was not in sympathy with the ideas of his party, on the great ques- 
tion of the hour. He did not favor the annexation of Texas. But 
Van Buren was inclined to claim that on the issue of extending the 
area of slave territory in America, he stood a great deal closer to the 
ideas of Jefferson, the founder of the party, than did Polk or Calhoun. 
He thought he saw a chance, by an independent candidacy, to defeat 
Polk, and his action was based upon that motive. He always claimed 
that Clay was fairly elected in that year, and counted out in New York 
and Louisiana. In 1848 he was still further estranged from his party, 
and as the candidate of the " Barnburners," or anti-slavery Democrats 
in the State of New^ York, received the nomination of the Free Soilers. 
He contributed thus to the defeat of Gen. Cass, whom he hated per- 
sonally and despised as a " dough-face " politically. But throughout 
his active political life. Van Buren was a power in New York, and as 
careful a student of practical political methods as of political philos- 
ophy. He is the author of a comprehensive work on " I^olitical Par- 
ties in America." 



184 SOUVENIR AND 



WM. HENRY HARRISON-JOHN TYLER. 
1841-1845. 

William Henry Harrison was born in Virginia in 1773. He was 
a son of Benjamin Harrison, a signer of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and elsewhere alluded to as a correspondent of Washing- 
ton. The son's military career was begun after the death of his 
father, when in 1792 he joined the army which Wayne was leading 
against the natives of the Northwest, and was given the rank of En- 
sign. In 1797 he left the army, and four years later became Gover- 
nor of Indiana. In this capacity his name is identified with the pas- 
sage by the United States Congress of a law providing for the sale of 
Western lands in small parcels, which he pressed upon the attention 
of the National Legislature, and which, with its logical followers, the 
Homestead and Timber Laws, is the real basis of the development 
of the great West. A war against the Indian allies of the English in 
Canada broke out in 1 8 II, and Harrison was made Commander-in- 
Chief of the United States Army. Tecumseh, a Shawnee chieftain, 
had organized a confederacy of all the Western Indians, and to 
add strength to that confederacy had made the aborigines believe 
that his brother, known only as " The Prophet," was a messenger sent 
by the Great Father, under whose guidance the Indians could not 
fail to drive out the white men from their territory, and restore for 
themselves the good old times when they could hunt where they liked, 
fish in whatever waters suited them, and enjoy the satisfaction of tom- 
ahawking and scalping one another without the interference of any 
impertinent outsiders. The religious idea had given fanatical impetus 
to this rebellion. The Indians were well armed, their style of fighting 
was desultory, but fearfully effective against scattered and unpro- 
tected pioneers, and, if not dealt with successfully, they were likely to 
do a great deal of damage and shed a great deal of blood. The de- 
feat of "The Prophet," with all his forces, at Tippecanoe, gave Gen. 
Harrison a great reputation and a soubriquet at the same time. The 
war soon merged itself into the contest between the United States 
and Great P)ritain. Tecumseh joined the British, and was killed in 
battle in 18 13. Harrison pursued the British invaders into Canada, 
where he completely routed them in the Battle of the Thames (Oct. 
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I 86 SOUVENIR AND 



was elected to Congress. In 1824 he was chosen a member of the 
United States Senate, and four years later went as Ambassador to the 
United States of Colombia. He remained there only one year before 
his recall in 1829. This marked Harrison's temporary retirement 
from public life. The next twelve years he spent as a clerk of a 
petty county court in Ohio. But his talents had not been forgotten, 
and the Whig party unsuccessfully nominated him for President of 
the United States in 1836. The influence of Jackson was too great, 
and the success of Van Buren was a pronounced one. But four 
years later Harrison was again nominated. Then followed the famous 
campaign of 1840. Nothing like it had been known in our political 
history. Harrison's friends were those of the party which believed in 
a United States Bank, in a protective tariff, and in internal im- 
provements at the expense of the National Government. Henry Clay 
and Daniel Webster, the great Whig chieftains, who had themselves 
been contestants for the Presidential nomination, worked in harmony 
for Harrison's election. But the characteristic of that struggle was 
not a clashing of Toledo blades in the hands of oratorical cham- 
pions. The financial panic of 1837 had not been altogether recovered 
from. The American people felt that things had been going wrong, 
and there was a strong impression that the party of Clay and Webster 
offered a remedy for all evils which flesh was heir to. Harrison was 
the chosen leader of that party, and his career had just enough of 
the Cincinnatus in it to attract distinctively popular support. There- 
fore this was a "log cabin and hard cider" campaign. The people 
were taking a hand in. Brass bands were used as they had never 
been used before. Fireworks made brilliant the darkest nights, and 
powder was wasted ad libitum in stunning the ears of friends and 
foes alike. This may be looked upon as the prototype of our modern 
national elections. There could be but one result — the defeat of 
Martin Van Buren. 

The inauguration of Harrison on March 4th, was an event greeted 
with the heartiest public congratulation. At last the country had got 
rid of the party which would crush our industries by taking off pro- 
tective duties, would refuse us internal improvements, and had already 
plunged us into financial ruin by upsetting the United States Bank. 
Everybody was jubilant. Even the opposing party began to more than 
half believe that the millennium had come in spite of them. The death 
of Harrison, one month after his inauguration, was felt as a public ca- 
lamity. The Whigs did not begin to realize how great the calamity 
was to them, until some time after his successor had taken the oath of 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 187 



office. I'liey had been robbed of the fruits of victory, just as they 
grasj^ed them for the first time in their party existence. Providence 
seeemed, indeed, to have been working into the hands of the Democrats. 



John Tyler had been nominated for Vice-President, on the Whig 
ticket, for the purpose of conciliating the South. He was a Virginian 
and was born in 1790. His family was a good one, and his father had 
not only been an officer in the Revolutionary Army, but had been 
afterwards a Judge of the Federal Court of Admiralty. The future 
President was a most precocious boy. He entered William and Mary 
College, when only twelve years old, and graduated at the age of 
seventeen. He was admitted to the bar in his nineteenth year, and, 
as soon as he attained his majority, was elected to the Legislature. 
Five times he was a candidate for the position, and on each occasion 
was successful almost without opposition. His Congressional course 
began in 1816 and it is not known that on any single occasion he 
opposed the ideas of the States Rights Party, of which Calhoun was 
the leader. His nomination for the Vice-Presidency was entirely 
unexpected and could hardly have occurred, but for the general idea 
in both parties that the Vice-President was only to be regarded 
as a figurehead. He had stood with Jackson against the United 
States Bank, and the Whigs soon saw that it was worse than useless 
to expect any reaction under his administration. The Cabinet which 
Harrison had chosen was retained until its members voluntarily 
resigned. But it became evident, that in spite of the opposition of the 
men who had made him President, Mr. Tyler was inclined to bend all 
his energies to the acquisition of Texas, and the consequent extension 
of slave territory, and it was not long before all the members of the 
cabinet, had concluded not to further compromise their position as 
Whigs, and had resigned, with the single exception of Daniel Webster, 
Harrison's Secretary of State, who found the office thoroughly con- 
genial to him, and who had on hand one or two diplomatic negotia- 
tions which furnished him an excuse for staying. The treaty of 
Washington" was one of the results of his incumbency. It was negoti- 
ated by Lord Ashburton, on behalf of England, and besides fixing the 
boundary line between Maine and Canada, which had become a bone 
of contention and had almost led to hostilities, it extended the list 
of extraditable crimes, so as to include, besides murder and forgery, 
assault with intent to commit murder, piracy, arson, robbery and the 
utterance of forged paper. It also formulated the first Convention 



iS8 



SOUVENIR AND 




with Great Britain, for full co-operation in putting down the slave- 
trade. An effort in this direction had been made in 1824, but after 
negotiation the Convention had fallen to the ground. England had 
wanted to include American waters among those in which the right 
of search for slaves might be exercised, and had wanted to try for 
piracy, all persons found on board a ship laden with slaves. Both 
these provisions had been stricken out by the United States Senate, 
and as a consequence the British government had refused to ratify it. 
Now, under the treaty of Washington, it was arranged with regard to 
the slave-trade (art. VIII, IX, and XI) that, "whereas the United 
States of America, and Her Majesty the Queen of the United King- 
dom of Great Britain and Ireland, are determined that so far as it may 
be in their power, it shall be effectually abolished; the parties mutu- 
ally stipulate that each shall prepare, equip and maintain in service, 
on the coast of Africa, a sufificient and adequate squadron or naval 
forte of vessels of suitable numbers and descriptions, to carry 
in all not less than eighty guns, to enforce separately and respec- 
tively, the laws, rights and obligations of the two countries for 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 1 89 

the suppression of the slave-trade." And again, "Whereas, not- 
withstanding all efforts that may be made on the coast of Africa, 
for suppressing the slave-trade, the 'facilities for carrying on that 
traffic, and avoiding the vigilance of cruisers by the fraudulent use of 
flags, and other means, are so great, and the temptations for pursuing 
it, while a market can be found for slaves, so strong, as that the 
desired result may be long delayed, unless all markets be shut against 
the purchase of African negroes; the parties to this treaty agree that 
they will unite in all becoming remonstrances with any and all powers 
within whose dominions such markets are allowed to exist; and that 
they will urge upon all such powers, the propriety and duty of closing 
such markets forever." 

At the same time that Webster was promising England that the 
United States would remonstrate with foreign powers against keeping 
open their markets for African negroes, his chief, President Tyler, 
was arranging for an extension of the American market for slaves by 
the acquisition of Texas. That State was independent. The slaugh- 
ter at the Alamo had been avenged at San Jacinto. Santa Anna and 
the whole Mexican army had been repulsed, and the independence of 
Texas had been recognized by the United States in 1837, and by Eng- 
land, Belgium and France in 1840. It was clamoring for admission 
to the Federal Republic. 

Webster was handicapped by his Massachusetts training, and by 
his fear of Massachusetts sentiment. It was clear that some other 
man would have to take the position of Secretary of State to carry 
through the diplomatic details in the annexation. His Whig enemies 
who had scoffed at the God-like Daniel for holding on to his Cabinet 
position and reaping the honors and emoluments of office from the 
disgrace of his own party, did not doubt his willingness to carry his 
subserviency to any extent. But even they saw that Webster was 
unavailable for such a purpose. He resigned from the State Depart- 
ment in 1843, and was succeeded by John C. Calhoun. The latter 
was in the zenith of his power and influence. Unlike Webster and 
Clay, he was great in logic as in eloquence, the most effective parlia- 
mentarian of his day, and a man who feared no conclusion to which 
his own premises could bring him. Webster might hate slavery, ac- 
knowledge his hatred, and still vote for a law compelling him personally 
to help a United States marshal drag a fugitive through the streets of 
Boston and deliver him up to his master. Clay, believing in a protec- 
tive tariff, might frame a law representing just the opposite pruiciple, 
and support it. Calhoun never made such mistakes. Secure in 



igO SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

the respect of a large section of the American people, he could 
afford to be consistent. Enshrined in their affections, his memory 
will live longer than that of either the greatest of compromisers or the 
greatest of dirt-eaters. We may doubt the wisdom of Calhoun's 
political philospphy, or believe in it ; but in either case it is neces- 
sary to concede that he was a Cato, not a Cicero; a Coriolanus, not a 
Junius Brutus; a Walsingham, and not a Bacon. The man who is true 
to himself wins applause, even from his enemies. So Calhoun was 
universally respected, and he was wisely chosen to conclude Texan 
negotiations as Secretary of State. 

Among'the opponents of annexation there was at least one promi- 
nent member of the United States Senate who merits a similar eulogy. 
Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri, was an honest man, and a good 
logician, and had the courage of his convictions. He was known 
through all his Senatorial career as "Old Bullion," because of his 
ineradicable hostility to paper money, had been the direct personal 
representative of Andrew Jackson in Congress, and had met Calhoun, 
Clay and Webster in combination on the United States Bank 
question. With a logic as sharp as the surgeon's knife he dissected 
this scheme to annex Texas, and, in one of his speeches in 1844, out- 
lined the whole plan upon which the Southern Confederacy was built 
up in 1861. He said that the ultimate object of annexation was to 
create a vast empire extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, 
with human slavery as its keystone and utterly independent of the 
United States of America. 

Benton's opposition was not listened to. In November, 1844, an 
election was held, in which Polk defeated Clay, with the assistance of 
Birney and Van Buren. The issue had been annexation, and the 
result gave new courage to Tyler. Calhoun had never lacked courage, 
he had only lacked opportunity. All the preliminaries were rushed 
through, and a joint resolution pressed through Congress for the annex- 
ation of Texas. It was signed by Tyler on the 3d of March, 1845, 
and upon the next day Polk took the oath of office. Tyler had ac- 
complished what he had set out to do. He was the first Vice-Presi- 
dent to succeed to the Chief Magistracy, and it seemed when he went 
out of office as though each party in all succeeding contests- would 
recognize the necessity of putting up a strong man for the second 
place on its ticket. 

John Tyler lived to see the fulfillment of Benton's prophecy. In 
1 86 1 he was president of a peace congress, held in the City of Wash- 
ington. But all his efforts to prevent a civil war were unavailing 
He died in 1862. 



CHAPTER XX. 

JAMES K. POLK. 
1845-1849. 

James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was born of a North of Ireland 
family in North Carolina, 1795. Though his parents were not rich 
they appreciated the value of education for their son, and he was sent 
to the University of North Carolina. Having finished his course 
there he began to study law in the office of Felix Grundy, already a 
well known practitioner in Tennessee. In 1820 Polk was admitted to 
the bar, and three years after was elected to Congress. His service 
in that body was a long and honorable one. In 1836 he was elected 
to the Speakership, but in 1839 resigned his seat in order to take the 
Governorship of Tennessee. His nomination by the Democratic party 
for the Presidency in 1844 was as much a surprise to him as to the 
country. "Texas" and " 54" 40', or fight " were the watchwords on 
which his party relied. The latter referred to the Oregon boundary 
of the United States, about which there was a dispute with Great 
Britain. Like the preceding National contest, it was a hot and noisy 
one. Henry Clay, the Whig Achilles, — "Harry" Clay, as he was 
known from one end of the country to the other,— was the candidate of 
the opposition. It was his final struggle for an honor to which he 
was entitled, if conspicuous ability has a title to recognition, but which 
had always eluded his grasp, just because there were too many people 
in the country who did not enjoy his fatal compromises ; although 
they admired his brilliancy and. adhered still to the Whig party. If 
Clay had been on the Democratic side that year, with the sentiment 
of territorial aggrandizement and the maintenance of national honor 
behind him, he would have had a walk -over. His personal character- 
istics would have lent strength to his advocacy of that party's cause. 
He would not have won by a scratch, as Polk did. But the Whigs 
were in an illogical position, which might almost be regarded as a 
parallel of the predicament in which Federalism found itself in 1814. 
Objection to any extension of slove territory was the only logical 
argument against acquisition of the Lone Star State. But the Whigs, 
as a party, never dared to say that they were opposed to extension of 

191 



192 



SOUVENIR AND 




slave territory, except in special instances, and for reasons not affect- 
ing the cause of human liberty. On the '* 54^, 40'" cry they could 
only bring forward a plea for temporizing. In the mean time the 
Liberty Party was in the field in the great Whig States of the North. 
It was holding mass meetings at the cross-roads in hundreds of town- 
ships, and its supporters, more logical than the Whigs, were splitting 
their throats with the refrain : 

" Railroads to emancipation 
Cannot rest on Clay foundation. 
And the road which Polk directs us 
Leads to slavery and to Texas." 

They had a reason for opposing annexation; but after the tariff 
surrender to Calhoun, they could not trust Clay to prevent such an- 
nexation. He might surrender again at any time. And while the 
number of voters in each State who adhered to the Liberty Party was 
comparatively small, nearly all the voters were drawn from the Whigs. 
The result showed their power to pull down a Whig candidate. For 
in New York alone Birney defeated the Clny electoral ticket. The 
election of Polk, as before noted, was an encouragement to Tyler to 
go right on with his 'IV-xan negotiations. So when Mr. Polk entered 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



193 



the White House almost the first business he had to deal with was the 
protest of M. Almonte, the Mexican Minister, that his county would 
have to regard the annexation of Texas as an act of warlike aggres- 
sion. 

Mr. Polk was in full sympathy with the course of his predecessor, 
He was bound to have Texas, war or no war. But for a little time 
hostilities were delayed. Mexico was not in a position to make her 
long for war. If Mr. Polk had been contented to take Texas without 
making a fight over her southwestern boundary, Santa Anna's indig- 
nation would have smothered itself in a protest. But the boundary 
dispute was taken up by the United States in a form which left to a 
self-respecting administration in Mexico no alternative but war. 
Troops had been despatched into territory claimed by Mexico, and 
hostilities had then taken place. That Taylor's move on Corpus 
Christi was ordered by the War Department at Washington has 
never been disputed. He had been ordered by the Mexican General 
Ampudia, to retire to the east of the Neuces River, and it was not 
until Taylor, acting under instructions, had refused to do so, that 
Mexican troops crossed the Rio Grande. In other words, the terri- 
tory between Neuces and Rio Grande was in dispute. Texas claimed 
it. Mexico claimed it. Federal troops entered it first, and, when 
they had refused to go out, Mexican soldiers came in also. In the 
face of this state of affairs, Congress passed a resolution declaring 
that a state of war existed by the act of the Republic of Mexico. 

President Polk must have known that the opposition to the war in 
Congress did not half represent the popular sentiment against it. In 
May, 1846, and in September of that year, he took occasion to argue 
the justice of the American position in his messages to Congress. He 
pointed out that the Rio Grande was the western boundary of Louisi- 
ana, as we purchased it from France in 1803, that the Republic of 
Texas had always claimed the Rio Grande as her western boundary, 
that Santa Anna had recognized the boundary in his treaty with 
Texas, and the United States had exercised jurisdiction to the west of 
the Neuces. Opponents of the Government policy in both Houses of 
Congress jumped on the fallacies of such arguments They pointed 
out that in 18 18 we had re-ceded to Spain all territory west of the 
Sabine, showed that Texas, in her State Constitution, had not 
claimed the Rio Grande as a boundary at all, that jurisdiction up to 
that river had never been exercised, and that Santa Anna's alleged 
treaty was only a memorandum made while he was a prisoner of war, 
which could not be held to bind his country in any way. Among the 



194 



SO['J'£X/M .1X1) 



foremost critics of the Administration in the Lower House was one 
young- man, a new member from Illinois, who was destined to play a 
large part in the country's future. Abraham Lincoln was sers'ing his 
first term in the National Legislature. 

The success of our arms could have no effect in mollifying 
Northern severity toward the conception of the war. It was believed 
that sectional rather than national glory had been its motive. And 
when the " AVilmot Proviso," in 1S46, crystallized this opposition in a 
form wherein it was not hampered by fears of surrendering the dig- 
nity of the United States, it was a surprise to Mr. Calhoun to note 
how much sentiment appeared to exist north of Mason and Dixon's 
line against the consummation of his project. The "Proviso" was 
presented by a Northern Democrat, and declared that *' as an express 
and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any territory from 
the Republic of Mexico by the United States, neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory." 
It became the rallying cry of the Free Soil Party. But this was not all. 
In many Northern districts no Whig who had opposed the *' Proviso " 
could hope to be returned. Of course, this condition was rejected 
^hh scorn by the United States Senate (August 8, 1S46). and had no 
effect except to perpetuate the slavery and anti-slavery feud. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 1 95 

ZACKARY TAYLOR— MILLARD FILLMORE. 
1849-1853. 

Zachary Taylor, twelfth President of the United States, was 
born in Orange County, Virginia, in 1784. His father was Colonel 
Richard Taylor, who had served in the American army all through 
the Revolution. The family removed to Kentucky, and were among 
the earliest settlers of Louisville, where the son grew to manhood 
with very few educational advantages. He entered the army in his 
twenty-fourth year, and was soon promoted to a captaincy. His ser- 
vices in the war with Tecumseh and his Indians evinced sense as well 
as bravery in the young soldier. His defense of Fort Harrison, on 
the Wabash River, with a force of only fifty men, against several hun- 
dred savages, won the compliments of all his superiors. Althrough 
the war of 181 2, he was kept busy fighting Great Britain's Indian allies. 
Next to Gen. Harrison, he was the best-known Indian fighter in the 
West, and was most feared by the natives. He was a colonel in the 
Black Hawk war in 1832, and was sent to Florida four years after- 
wards to assist in putting down the Seminole rebellion, which, before 
it was ended, cost the country $50,000,000, and thousands of men. 
He won a victory at Okechobee, and was made Commander-in-Chief 
of the forces in Florida, with the rank of brigadier-general. On the 
passage of the joint resolution annexing Texas, in 1485, General 
Taylor was ordered to Texas, and, under special directions from the 
War Department, crossed the Neuces into disputed territory, marched 
over a large extent of uninhabited country, and occupied the east 
l)ank of the Rio Grande. He had only 2,300 men, but defeated a 
Mexican force of 6,000, under General Austa, at Palo Alta, on May 
8th, and, after 50,000 volunteers had been called for, was made Major- 
General and ordered to invade Mexico. With 6,625 men^ on Septem- 
ber 9th, he invested Monterey, defended by 10,000 Mexicans, and 
the place capitulated after ten days of siege. The actual fighting 
lasted for three days. General Scott having taken a strong detatch- 
ment to advance on the City of Mexico, by way of Vera Cruz, 
Taylor was left with only 500 regular troops and 5,000 volunteers to 
meet 21,000 Mexican soldiers, under Santa Anna. Under these con- 
ditions he fought, what was the decisive battle of the war, at Buena 
Vista. The result was a comptete rout for the Mexicans. 



196 



SOUVENIR AND 




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OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 1 97 

The poi)ularity of Ciciieral Taylor was largely based upon this vic- 
tory. 'J'he odds against him had been nearly four to one. His 
sobriquet of " Old Rough and Ready," became a synonym for valor 
in every American household. And so it happened that the soldier 
who had been first to begin hostilities in a war to which the Whig 
party had been unfriendly, and whose occupation of the country 
between the Neuces and the Rio Grande was held by that party to 
have been unjust and contrary to the law of nations, came to be the 
candidate of the Whigs for President. It was known that he simply 
obeyed the directions of the Government at Washington, and he was 
exonerated from any personal responsibility for precipitating the war. 
In the Whig Convention his friends had to meet the candidacy of 
both the two parliamentary chieftains of the Whig organization. 
Webster, the idol of New England, who had never yet secured a nom- 
ination for the chief magistracy, and Clay, who had tried and failed 
so many times, were each anxious to head the party, but neither 
could secure the prize. It was felt that the nomination of Taylor 
would be equivalent to his election, and " availability " decided the 
question. 

Taylor's election settled nothing politicallv, and slavery was still 
the hinge upon which all other issues swung to and fro. Neither 
party cared to make it unnecessarily prominent. Both were divided 
within their own lines. Little by little the negro was pushing to the front, 
and more and more with each year did the statesmen of each party sub- 
mit every piece of proposed legislation to the touchstone of sectional 
approval. At the time that the Constitution was adopted, every State 
except Massachusetts had contained slaves. Now the North was free 
from the incubus, and among the masses the spirit of aggressive free- 
dom was at work. The Constitution had recognized the duty of each 
and every State to hand over all fugitive slaves who had escaped to its 
territory. Many times the rights of the Southern people to such as- 
sistance had been denied by the officers of free States. In some of 
the latter, an "underground railway" was already at work. At the 
same time, the South was prejxiring for a vast increase of slave terri- 
tory represented in the government at Washington. A clause in the 
joint resolution annexing Texas had provided for the division of the 
State into four, at the option of Congress and of the State Legisla- 
ture. The other territory accjuired from Mexico was stilFto be dealt 
with. Out of all these conditions Henry Clay thought he saw a 
chance for another of his compromises. He presented in Congress in 
1850 his "Omnibus bill." In this, concessions made to Texas, and a 



iq8 souvenir and 



more vigorous fugitive slave law were made to balance the admission 
of California as a free State. This was supported by Webster, who, 
on March lo of the same year, had conceded the duty of every law- 
abiding citizen, even in a free State, to aid in arresting and return- 
ing a fugitive from slavery. While Clay's Omnibus bill was under 
consideration, President Taylor died (July 9, 1850), and Millard Fill- 
more succeeded to the Presidency. 



Millard Fillmore was a native of Cayuga County, New York, 
and was born in 1800. His parents were in very humble life, and he 
had no chance to gain more than the bare rudiments of an education. 
The poverty of his family early made it necessary for young Fillmore 
to do something to make a living for himself, and at the age of only 
fifteen years he was apprenticed to a wool-carder in the neighbor- 
hood. But the man's craving for knowledge was so strong, and made 
itself felt so many ways, that a lawyer named Wood offered to take 
him in his office at the age of nineteen years, and furnished him with 
sufficient funds to prosecute his legal studies— an assistance which 
Fillmore was soon able to supplement by teaching school for a part 
of the time each year. He soon removed to Buffalo, and was there ad- 
mitted to the bar in 1823. It was not long before all western New 
York had recognized the young lawyer's capacity and shrewdness. 
His practice grew apace, and he made many friends. Six years after 
his admission, he ran for the State Legislature from the Erie County 
district and was elected. From this time until the end of his politi- 
cal life Fillmore was a consistent Whig. He made his mark on legis- 
lation in the Empire State by pushing a bill to abolish imprisonment 
for debt, which was at last successfully carried through. Fillmore's 
connection with National politics began in 1832, the year of nullifica- 
tion agitation, in which he was first elected to Congress. He was a 
good representative for his district in Washington, as he had been in 
Albany. Several times he came before the people for re-election, and 
on each occasion he was successful. In 1847 he was nominated on 
the Whig ticket for Comptroller of the State, and was elected by so 
large a majority that when the Whigs desired to strengthen their 
Presidential ticket one year later, by selecting a New York man for 
second place, Fillmore was chosen. He made an excellent presiding 
officer in the Senate, and when called to the Chief Magistracy by the 
death of his chief acted so as to merit the approval of the voters who 
had supported him for Vice-President. 



OFFICIA L PROG R A MME. 



199 




k, v-Js 



His administration had to deal, at its very inception, with the stormy- 
contest raised by the last of Mr. Cay's compromises. The bill was car- 
ried through Congress, and, as a Whig measure, was of course signed 
by the new President. It was a fire-brand. Seward's " higher-law " 
speech was but the first formulation of a Northern sentiment that 
stopped little short of defiance. Heretofore, no Northern citizen had 
been compelled to do more than shut his eyes to the arrest of fugitive 
slaves. The new law compelled any citizen who should be called 
upon, to assist a United States marshal in enforcing the United States 
law. Sumner, the new colleague of Webster in the Senate, from 
Massachusetts, had declared that " liberty was national, slavery sec- 
tional," and had opposed the law with all the powers of his eloquence. 
He represented the Massachusetts of the present, Webster only the 
Massachusetts of the past. The disposition to set at naught the new 
law, extended from Illinois to Maine. Whigs who had voted for it 
found their constituencies against them. The party was demoralized. 
Its demolition was at hand. For a time the mantle of Federalism had 
fallen upon it, but had not been worthily worn. It was to give place 



200 SOUVEN/J^ AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



to an organization led by new men, in whose hands the doctrine of 
Alexander Hamilton was to be used as Hamilton himself would have 
used it. The Whigs once more tried to awaken popular interest in 
their organization, — not in their cause, for they had none, — by the 
nomination of Winfield Scott for President, in 1852. Webster and 
Clay both died in that year. Scott was beaten. He carried but four 
States. Again, a Democrat was chosen President of the United 
States. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
1853-1857. 

Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, was born in 1804, at Hills- 
borough, New Hampshire. His father, Gen. Benjamin Pierce, had 
lieen a soldier in the Revolutionary war, and a Governor of the State. 
The soo was educated at Bowdoin College, and there made the 
acquaintance of Nathaniel Hawthorne, afterwards the most distin- 
guished novelist of his time, as well as the biographer of the future 
President. Pierce studied law after finishing his college course, and 
was admitted to the bar at an early age. His capacity and energy 
soon made a place for him among the foremost lawyers of New 
Hampshire, and in a short time he had acquired a practice that was 
among the best in the State. He kept a close eye on political events, 
and was one of the best of organizers on behalf of the Democratic 
party, with which he had connected himself. At the same time, no 
minor office in the gift of the party had any temptation for him, and 
his first entrance into political life was his election to the United 
States Senate in 1837. He found himself the youngest member of 
that body, but became in a year or two one of the hardest workers in 
committee, and therefore one of the most useful members of the 
Senate. He had apparently no other ambition than to remain there. 
He refused the Attorney Generalship of the United States when it 
was offered him by President Polk, but soon afterwards, stirred by 
the sentiment of national greatness, he enlisted as a private soldier in 
the force collecting for the Mexican war, and having been made a 
Brigadier-General displayed the most conspicuous gallantry in the 
battles of Contreras and Cherubusco. 

In the Baltimore Democratic Convention in 1852, Pierce was a 
conspicuous candidate, and there is little doubt that his military 
record was what turned the balance in his favor. General Scott, 
whose military reputation was world-wide and who had won new 
laurels m the Mexican war, was to be the candidate of the Whig 
party, now in its decadence, but still numbermg within its member- 
ship many of the most illustrious names in American statesmanship. 



202 



SOUVENIR AND 




It was not safe for the Democrats to run the risk of any such result 
as had followed the contest against General Taylor in 1848. Victory 
was easier than in that year, with almost any candidate, but no one 
thought it wise to run any risk of putting up a strictly political can- 
didate. So Pierce received the nomination, and his election consti- 
tuted one more victory for the Democratic organization, perhaps the 
most significant in its history, and certainly the one which was to have 
most lasting results on the country's future. President Pierce was 
known to be an ultra adherent of the Slates' rights wing of his own 
party. He had been elected with this understanding, and therefore 
was at liberty to carry out in full the wishes of the voters who had 
put him where he was. This he did in a manner at once clever and 
effective. He did not belong to the noisy school of statesmen. He 
aimed at results, not at making an impression. 

His Cabinet was chosen with a view to making a homogeneous 
admmistration. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was his Secretary of 
War. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was the characteristic 
development not merely of the President's policy, but of the theories 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 20' 



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204 SOUI^ENIR AND 



on which Calhoun had based his own course, and which was faith- 
fully taught and adhered to by the States' rights men. As before 
stated in these pages, the existence of slavery in any territory North 
of 31° 30' had been expressly forbidden as a part of the Clay Com- 
promise when Missouri's admission as a slave State had been con- 
sented to by the North. Now the removal by Congress of that 
prohibition left the status of each one of the Western Territories in 
doubt, and seemed to leave a thoroughly legal and constitutional 
path open to any owner of negroes who might choose to emigrate into 
any one of these prospective States. It was a radical move, logically 
following on the last of Mr. Clay's compromises. The Democratic 
party in Congress began to formulate its ideas on the doctrine of 
"squatter sovereignty." This meant that even in the status of 
territorial citizens, people who had settled in the West ought to be 
allowed to decide the great question of slavery for themselves. It 
was most earnestly advocated by Mr. Douglas of Illinois, and by 
the section of his party whom he afterwards represented as a presi- 
dential candidate. Douglas was perfectly sincere about the matter, 
and honestly believed that this policy afforded the best possible solu- 
tion of a much vexed question. But the North, as a whole, was op- 
posed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and felt that 
"squatter sovereignty" was only another entering wedge for the 
unlimited extension of slave territory. The feeling among Northern 
immigrants to the Territories was even more bitter than that which 
existed in the States. Most of the men who had gone out there from 
the free States had gone with the idea of making homes for themselves 
by working with their own hands. Anything that had a tendency to 
degrade manual labor was a mortal offense to them. As a result 
of this bitterness, violence and bloodshed in Kansas and in other 
territories marked the latter part of the Pierce administration. 
Looking at the course of events in "Bleeding Kansas" from a 
strictly judicial point of view, there can be no doubt that John Brown 
and a few of his fellow radicals who were given up entirely to the 
humanitarian hobby, did a great deal to augment the disturbance. 
They had gone to Kansas with the primary object of making a free 
State out of that Territory. Improvement of their own material con- 
dition was only a secondary object with them, if it can be called an ob- 
ject at all. They went there as agitators, and were met by agitators 
of the same fondness for violence on the other side. The majority of 
Northern settlers, however, were in line against slavery for other 
reasons. Their first object was to get a living, to make themselves 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



205 



comfortable, and nobody can say how far, if at all, their moral ob- 
jection to slavery, became a motive to influence their action. At 
any rate, they were driven into partial or complete sympathy with 
Brown on the main ground of opposition to the pro-slavery influence, 
and did what they could to encourage his " underground railway " 
proceedings, which stood legally on exactly the same footing as the 
operation of a bank burglar, or of a highway robber. They were 
carried across the river into Missouri, and of course furnished a pre- 
text for the organization of border troops, which then was not with- 
out some basis in justice. In the midst of all this agitation which 
stirred the whole country up, came the presidential election of 1856, 
in which for the first time the new Republican party showed itself 
within the realm of practical politics, and displayed greater strength 
than anyone had given it credit for. Its candidate was Gen. John C. 
Fremont, who had really conquered Upper California for the United 
States during the Mexican war, and who was very popular in the 
West. Fillmore was running again. The popular vote stood, Bu- 
chanan, 1,838,000, Fremont, 1,341,000; Fillmore, 875,000. That a 
new party in its first presidential campaign, should be able to cast 
between a million and a million and a half of votes was pretty good 
evidence of the existence of new conditions. As a matter of fact, the 
platform of the organization had been drawn up in such a way as to 
furnish common ground for free-soilers, liberty men, disgruntled 
Northern Democrats, and disgruntled Northern Whigs, and to hold the 
temporary support of the abolitionists themselves. Broadly stated, its 
whole creed was opposition to the extension of slavery in the Terri- 
tories with an incidental affirming of the power of the National 
Government to make such extension impossible. But the latter 
plank of the Republicans brought them back, almost at once, to the 
ideas of Hamdton and of Washington, with reference to the Consti- 
tution's conveying inferential powers to the Federal system. It 
formed a precedent for all other forms of "loose construction," and 
fixed upon the party at once full responsibility for the maintenance of 
Federalism in the modified form which nearly a quarter of a 
century's experience had rendered necessary. In spite of the new 
party's phenomenal display of energy, however, Buchanan was elected 
in 1856, and went in as a " minority " President. President Pierce 
took no part in politics after his retirement from the White House. 
He died in 1869. 



206 SOUVENIR AND 



JAMES BUCHANAN. 

1857-1861. 

James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was born in Franklin County, 
in 1 79 1, and received his degree at Dickinson College in his native 
State. He studied law, was admitted to the bar, and, at the age of 
twenty-three years, was elected to the State Legislature. He was 
a good speaker, a logical thinker, and a man of great tact and 
judgment. His election to Congress in 1820 was the beginning of a 
long and brilliant public life. He served in the lower House for 
eleven years, and then resigned to take the position of Ambassador 
to Russia under the diplomatic service. For three years he remained 
at the Court of St. Petersburgh. Then he came back to America and 
was at once elected to the United States Senate from Pennsylvania. 
He was re-elected in 1836 and again in 1843. Fo^ f^^ur years, under 
President Polk, he was Secretary of State, and in that capacity dis- 
played a remarkable talent for effectively carrying through diplomatic 
work. In 1854 Mr. Buchanan went to the Court of St. James as 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. He remained 
there for one year only. His nomination for President in 1856 was a 
deserved tribute to the worth of a true and tried party servant. His 
election was rightly looked upon as an indorsement of the repeal of 
the Missouri Compromise, and of the doctrine of " squatter sover- 
eignty." He entered office on March 4, 1857, with a full conviction 
that questions over which there had been so much and so violent dis- 
cussion were at least temporarily settled. Two days later the 
" Dred Scott decision " was announced by the Supreme Court of the 
United States, and the North was thrown into a state of excitement by 
the side of which that produced by the Fugitive Slave Law and by the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise was as nothing. It would be im- 
possible to leave some account of this decision out of a constitutional 
history of this period. Dred Scott was a negro who had been owned 
by Dr. Emerson, of the Regular United States Army. He had been 
kept for two years in the free State of Illinois, and for two years 
more in Missouri. When taken back to Missouri Scott claimed 
his freedom, and the courts of that State, following a long series of 
decisions, held that he was free, The case had first come up in the 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



207 





^^Z^?7te^ (2yyu^ 



form of a suit for assault and battery, brought by Scott against his 
master. The latter sold Dred to John F. A. Sandford, of New York, 
and, after the old suit had been carried to the State Supreme Court, 
it was taken into the United States courts by the new owner. Going 
from one court to another it reached the United States Supreme 
Court, and was argued in December, 1856, but the announcement of 
the decision was deferred until after a new President had been 
inaugurated. The decision held that Scott, being a negro, could not 
be a citizen, and could neither sue nor be sued in either a State or 
Federal court. Whether he had been rendered free by sojourning in 
a free State or not was a question over which the court would not 
assume jurisdiction. But the Chief Justice (Taney) went into a long 
effort to prove that the Missouri Compromise prohibiting slavery 
above 36" 30' N. L. was utterly unconstitutional and void. He held 
that in regard to siavei;y in the Territories, " the only power conferred 
on Congress was the power, coupled with the duty of guarding and 
protecting the owner in his rights." This phase of the decision was 
at once denounced by the Republicans as an r.v cathedra and uncalled- 
for expression of opinion not logically connected in any way with the 



208 SOUVENIR A AW 



question at issue before the court. It was said to be an unwarrant- 
able attempt to settle a political question by a judicial decision. But 
in his first utterances as President, Mr. Buchanan had pleaded with 
the people of the United States to accept this still unannounced deci- 
sion as a part of the law of the land. He had thus assumed, on 
behalf of his party, full responsibility for the effect which the decision 
might produce on the public mind. 

The new President constructed his Cabinet on very much the 
same 'lines which Pierce had followed. Howell Cobb, of Georgia, 
afterwards President- of the Confederate Congress, was his Secretary 
of the Treasury. J. B. Floyd, Ex-Governor of Virginia, and after- 
wards indicted by the Grand Jury of the District of Coliynbia for 
grand larceny, was his Secretary of War. But no President of the 
United States ever had a more scrupulous sense of honor or a more 
delicate perception of the obligations of honesty than Mr. Buchanan. 
That he was a sincere patriot even his bitter political enemies are now 
inclined to concede; and his very anxiety to avoid the horrors of civil 
war must, in some degree, be held responsible for his selection of a 
Cabinet. In spite of all his efforts at conciliation the dark clouds of 
the approaching storm were growing still more formidable every hour 
In 1858 occurred that memorable series of debates in Illinois between 
Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln in which the latter formu- 
lated the cause of the Republican Party more clearly than had been 
done in the National Platform two years before, and squarely threw 
down the gauntlet to the advocates of "squatter sovereignty." In 
1859 John Brown, whose performances in Kansas have already been 
alluded to, appeared upon the scene in a new but characteristic role. 
With seventeen white men and five blacks he made a raid upon the 
arsenal at Harper's Ferry, at the junction of the Potomac and Shen- 
andoah rivers in Virginia, containing nearly 200,000 stand of arms ; 
with the idea of starting a servile insurrection. Some one has rather 
shrewdly said that if the negroes had been half as anxious to be free 
as Brown was to free them the raid would have succeeded in its pur- 
pose. So far as the objects of his benevolence were concerned, how- 
ever, the scheme fell flat. Virginia slaves were too well off to care to 
run their necks into a halter. Brown dallied too long at the arsenal 
instead of escaping to the mountains. 1500 Virginia militia were 
speedily raised, the insurrectionary party was captured and its leader 
was hanged. Despairing of any legal recourse against the growing 
power of slavery, the Northern public spirit looked with perhaps too 
much complaisance upon efforts like that of John Brown, and his ex- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



209 



edition was hailed as martyrdom by not only the Abolitionists but 
many who only half sympathized with them, and evoked a burst of 
half sympathetic indignation from Bangor to San Francisco. Virginia 
had had no other course open to her under the circumstances, but the 
North could not comprehend her fear of another San Domingo, just 
as she could not understand Northern sympathy with John Brown. 
For several decades the two sections of the country had continually 
misunderstood one another. The end of a long and tiresome game 
of cross purposes was at hand. President Buchanan had nothing to 
do with the result of long years of ill-concealed hostility between the 
two. He could not have prevented the war. If his Cabinet officers 
-succeeded in scattering the military forces and the naval forces of the 
United States, if they sent arms and equipments to Southern arsenals 
with the intention of having them fall into the hands of the Confed- 
erates, they were guilty of a gross breach of trust, but in this Presi- 
dent Buchanan has never been implicated. And if the Civil War had 
ended without the emancipation of the slaves it would have broken 
out again at some date in the history of America. So it is more than 
possible that good came out of the work done by Buchanan's Cabinet 
in strengthening the South. At any rate, speculation on this point is 
useless now. The war was coming. Buchanan's efforts to avert it 
were futile, and as a believer in States' rights he could not be reasonably 
expected to use coercion himself in a specific case, holding, as he did, 
that all coercion was unconstitutional. The national election of i860 
was a call to arms. From the the time its result was announced 
there ceased to be any doubt of the intention of the South to proceed 
to hostilities. The victory of Lincoln, like that of Buchanan himself, 
was a minority victory. It meant absolute disregard, as was after- 
wards shown, of the Dred Scott decision by the administration. Mr. 
Buchanan died in 1868. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN— ANDREW JOHNSON. 
1861-1869. 

Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was born in 1810. He grew to 
manhood amid the scenes of pioneer life in Indiana and Illinois, and 
had no educational advantages art all. Rail-splittmg and farming 
hardened his hands and gave him a constitution as strong and as 
ilexible as whip-cord, a habit of endurance, the good humor that 
laughs at hardship, and a love of nature that never deserted him. 
The only literary works his childish eyes met were the Bible and 
"Pilgrim's Progress." He had reached the stature of a man, and was 
employed as a clerk in a dry-goods and grocery store when he began 
the study of English grammar. It was hard work, but with a dogged 



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From the Chaplain of Exeter College, and Houghton Syriac Prizeman, Oxford. 

Coll. Exon, Oxon., Sept. 1888. 
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214 SOUVENIR AND 



energy l)orn of his dctcnninatiou to succeed in life the young man 
persevered. After a brief military experience in the Black Hawk 
war he studied law, and in course of time was admitted to the bar. 
He ran for the State Legislature when twenty-three years of age, but 
was defeated, in spite of personal popularity, because of his Whig 
politics. After his admission to the bar Mr. Lincoln soon rose to 
a position of prominence in the community, and in the Whig councils of 
the State the " Sangamon ('ounty Giant " was a well-known figure. 
In 1846, after several terms in the Legislature, he was elected to 
Congress. His opposition to the Administration, and his searching anal- 
ysis of the motives underlying the war policy of President Polk, and 
the fallacies by which that policy was defended have already been 
alluded to. At the end of a single term he left the House of Repre- 
sentatives and went back to his law practice, which he pursued 
energetically in spite of the attention he was forced to pay to politics. 
His devout admiration for Mr. Clay had already given way to an 
appreciation of the latter's moral weakness, and his loyalty to the 
Whig party was more or less tempered by a realization of the fact 
that the party was a thing of the past. Lincoln was very much stirred 
up over the Fugitive Slave Law, and again by the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise. He felt that the time was coming when 
statesmen could no longer temporize, and on the organization of the 
Republican party in 1856 he became one of its foremost orators and 
staiinchest adherents \\\ the West. 

In i860 lines were to be formed on both sides for a great 
national contest. The Democratic Convention met first at Charleston, 
and for fifty-seven ballots the Southern men voted for Jefferson Davis, of 
Mississippi, as a Presidential candidate. Douglas was the candidate of 
the northern Democrats. The convention adjourned to Baltimore, where 
Douglas was nominated. The Southern men went out by themselves, 
held a convention at Richmond, and nominated John C. Brecken- 
ridge. A Constitutional Union Convention had nominated John Bell, 
of Tennessee. On the meeting of the Republican Convention at 
Chicago it soon became evJdent that the real contest was to be 
between Seward, of New York, and Lincoln, of Illinois. The former 
was, undoubtedly, the leader of his party in Congress, and on many 
grounds was entitled to the nomination. But he had many enemies 
in his own State, and their opposition could not be overcome. Besides, 
even at this early date, it had become sufficiently evident that the 
Mississippi Valley held a controlling i-nfluence m the Republican 
counsels. Lincoln was nominated. He entered upon the hot cam- 



OFFICI.ir PROGRAMME. 215 



paign with the advantage of a divided opposition, and was elected. 
The popular vote stood : Lincoln, 1,857,610 ; Douglas, 1,365,976 ; 
Breckenridge, 847,953 ' ^^l'> 59°)^3i- I-incoln got 180 electoral 
votes ; Douglas, 12 ; Breckenridge, 72 ; and Bell, 34. Lincoln was 
inaugurated President on March 4, 1865. On April 12 Fort Sumter 
was fired on, and the Civil War began in earnest. 

With the history of this contest, such a sketch as the present one 
has nothing to do. Two civilizatit)ns were at war, F.ach failed to 
comprehend the other. Each was honest and sincere. Iv'uh thought 
itself in the right. 

It is, however, with the constitutional development under the 
presidency of Lincoln that these pages have to deal, and the topic is 
a pregnant one. The Federal principles of Hamilton were carried into 
full effect for the first time in the history of the Union. 
On constitutional interpretation, the Civil War was a great clarifier. 
The Republicans were forced, as Whigs and Federalists never had 
been forced — to be consistent. A large number of the States were 
in rebellion. Not a dollar of Federal revenue could be collected 
within their borders. Not a United States mail could pass through 
their territory. Not a Federal court could serve a process upon 
any of their citizens. In such an emergency, no half-way conception 
of the national powers would have been of any service. " Loose 
construction " came to the assistance of President Lincoln and his 
advisers; and the National Congress, from which the Southern mem- 
bers had withdrawn, was perfectly ready to indorse such construction. 
With the single exception of the admission of West Virginia to the 
Union without the consent of Old Virginia's Legislature, Republican 
logicians contend that nothing was done outside the pale of the 
Constitution in the course of the efforts of the Lincoln Administration 
to put down the rebellion. Immense numbers of men were raised 
by volunteering and drafts. But in each of the draft laws the greatest 
care was taken to assign to each State its proper quota of the military 
force to be raised, in order to yield obedience to the technical forms 
prescribed by fundamental law. To prevent Southern sympathizers 
from breeding violence in different parts of the North, the privilege 
of habeas corpus was suspended. Individual assistance was accepted 
in building up the navy in order to make effective the blockade of 
the Southern coast line — a blockade which was the longest effective 
one in history. Tax laws were passed which, for the first time 
brought the power of the Federal Government's finger into every 
home. Paper money was issued in tremendous amounts, bonds were 



2l6 SOUVENIR AND 



floated into a way and to an extent which nothing but the marvellous 
resources of the country could have justified. Chase, as Secretary of 
the Treasury, was as liberal in his construction of the Constitution as 
Stanton, the Secretary of War. Pari passu with the almost unlimited 
e.\i:)enditures of money which the war involved, grew up the National 
Banking system, which most financiers regard as furnishing the very 
])est system of currency known in the world's history. The North 
was not exhausted, even at the end of the war. Stanton, whose faults 
of temper made him the most obnoxious ofificial under the Adminis- 
tration to those who doubted the wisdom of the Administration's 
policy, had executive capacity unequalled by that of any other member 
of the Cabinet. The draft laws had been enforced with thoroughness 
and good judgment. At the close of hostilities the Federal Govern- 
ment had about a million men in the field. Its forces which had 
not been called out amounted to nearly two and a-quarter millions 
more. Manufacturing and commerce had been " boomed " by the 
war itself. A homestead law with regard to the public lands had 
stimulated emigration to the West. The principle of extending the 
powers of the national government had in large measure enabled 
Congress to counteract the horrible effects of civil war. The Constitu- 
tion had shown itself strong enough to meet any possible emergency- 
The new Federalism was in every way triumphant. In 1864 Lincoln had 
been elected President again, after a one-sided struggle with Mc- 
Clellan, the hero of Antietam. His popular majority was 41 1,428, and 
he got 212 out of the 233 electoral votes cast. He was again in- 
augurated, find in a little more than a month Richmond had fallen, 
Lee had surrendered at Appommatox (April 9, 1865), and the war 
was at an end. Five days after this news had electified the North, 
Abraham Lincoln, while attending a performance of the Laura Keene 
Company at Ford's Theatre, was shot by John Wilkes Booth, a 
young actor, who shrieked," ^7^ sc viper tyrannis ! before he fled 
through the stage entrance. The assassin's bullet was fatal. 
Almost simultaneously an unsuccessful attempt had been made to 
murder Seward, the Secretary of State. He was stabbed several 
times, but recovered. The death of Lincoln was sincerely mourned, 
not only by the North, but also by the bravest of the men in the 
armies of the South, who knew the magnanimity of his spirit, and 
could partly estimate the value of such an influence at the White 
House during events which were to come after the surrender. 



OFFJCJA L PKOGKA MME. 



217 



Andrkw Johnson, the seventeenth President of the United States, 
was born at Raieigh, N. C, in 1808. His parents were poor, and the 
boy was apprenticed to a tailor at the age of ten years. After serving 
out his apprenticeship he worked for two years as a journeyman tailor 
at Laurens Court-House, S. C. Then he went to Tennessee. It 
appears that his native capacity made a mark for him even here, for in 
1840 he was one of the Presidential Electors on the VanBuren ticket, 
and seems to have taken an active part in politics. Afterwards Mr. 
Johnson was elected to the State Senate, and in 1843 was sent to Con- 
gress. In the lower House he served for ten years, and during the 
whole of that period was a consistent Demcjcrat. In 1853 he was 
chosen Governor of the State of Tennessee, and in 1855 was re-elected 
to the same position. In 1857 he was sent to the Senate, and was in 
the midst of his time in that body when the war broke out. 'I'ogether 
with " Parson " Brownlow, he was active in preventing the attempted 
secession of the State, and came to be known as one of the most 
energetic and uncompromising Union men in the border States. He 
accepted an appointment as military Governor of Tennessee on the 
occupation of Nashville by the Federal forces in 1862, and in that 
capacity his work was such as to bring his name to the favorable notice 
of the people of the North in many ways. Elected as Vice-President, it 
became his duty to take the oath of office as President of the Republic 
on the night of April 14, 1865, as soon as possible after the shooting 
of Mr. Lincoln. For a time. President Johnson displayed the utmost 
energy in following out the policy of what was called " making treason 
odious." The almost farcically ended "trial" of Jefferson Davis 
was a part of this policy. But it was not long before everyone saw 
that harmony did not exist between the President and his party in 
Congress. Mr. Johnson had a theory of " reconstruction," which was 
not accepted as such, either by Congress or by the Northern people. 
Shorn of all verbiage this theory meant simply to set the State govern- 
ments running and leave it to the States to settle all questions with 
reference to the status of the freedmen and the war's ultimate results. 
Moderate Republicans held that it would be enough to take away 
from Southern States any representation based on negro population 
until that population should be voluntarily enfranchised. Jladical 
Republicans, like Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, were not agreed 
to this. They advised keeping revolted States in the status of Terri- 
tories for a term of years by disfranchising those who had borne arms 
against the country, and refusing to enfranchise the negro until educa- 
tion and the habits of a free life had made him fit to vote. But on 



2l8 



SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 




the main question of opposition to the President's policy, all the wings 
of the dominant party were in harmony. They had more than two- 
thirds majority in both Houses of Congress, and the veto of President 
Johnson could be overridden at any time. This was done persistently. 
The Senate, in particular, was in hostility to the Executive, and the 
question of recess appointments assumed an importance hitherto 
unknown. The fight over the removal of Stanton followed. The 
attempt to remove Lincoln's Secretary of War had been refused sanc- 
tion by the Senate, and in the face of that refusal Johnson tried to 
reinstall General Grant in the position. The victor of Appommatox 
refused to be used in that way. By so doing, he made himself the 
next candidate for President. The House of Representatives 
impeached the President for having violated laws passed by Congress 
over his veto, and in 1868 the trial came off before the Senate. Up 
to the final vote the result was in doubt. Several Republican Senators 
would*not vote for impeachment. One vote of the requisite majority 
was lacking", and Mr. Johnson served out his term. The plan of 
reconstruction finally hit upon was a compromise. Johnson pur- 
chased Alaska from Russia — 565,862 square miles for $7,200,000. 
He retired from office in 1869, was re-elected to the United States 
Senate as a Democrat, in 1875, and died shortly after taking his seat. 



CHAPTER XXIIl. 

ULYSSES S. GRANT. 
1869-1877. 

Ulysses S. Grant was born in Point Pleasant, Ohio, in 1822, and 
graduated at the Military Academy at West Point in 1843. Soon 
after he had ended his course in that institution the war with Mexieo 
broke out, and the young soldier had a chance to win his spurs. When 
the war was over he married Miss Julia Dent, the daughter of a St. 

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OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



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222 SOUVENIR AND 



Louis merchant, and in 1854 resigned his Captaincy to go into farm- 
ing near St. Louis. It was a life in which he found little pleasure, 
and a few years later he made arrangements to go into the leather 
business with his father at Galena, Illinois. He was engaged in this, 
and was entirely unknown to fame, when the Rebellion began, and 
President Lincoln's fust call for troops was issued in April, 1861. He 
at once raised a company of volunteers and offered himself to the Adju- 
tant-General of Illinois for any service to which he might be assigned. 
This offer was not accepted, but Captain Grant went on drilling his 
company, and soon after was asked by the Governor of the State to 
take the place of Colonel of the Twenty-first Illinois Infantry, which 
he accepted. He was afterwards made a Brigadier-General of 
Volunteers, and put in charge of the Department of Southeast Mis- 
souri, with headquarters at Cairo. Without any orders from his 
superiors, Grant proceeded to seize Paducah (September 6), and broke 
up the enemy's camp at Belmont. His capture of Fort Donelson, 
which was the first great victory for the Union arms, brought Grant's 
name before the public. Like the advance upon Paducah, the assault 
upon Fort Donelson was without any directions from any one. With 
15,000 men he moved upon a fortress defended by 21,000 Con- 
federates, and won the day after a great deal of hard fighting. The 
indecisive engagement at Corinth with Gen. Beauregard was one out 
of which Gen. Grant was lucky to escape, even with the loss of 12,000 
men. His opponent lost 10,000, and the advantage of position was 
with the Federal forces. When Halleck was made Commander-in- 
Chief, Grant succeeded to the Department of the Tennessee, and he 
at once suggested a move against Vicksburg, and this was partly 
carried out, but was unsuccessful. The capture of this stronghold 
was necessary in order that the '' father of waters might flow un vexed 
to the sea." While in the hands of the Confederates, Vicksburg was 
a continual check on the commerce of all the Mississippi Valley 
States. It was boasted by Confederate sympathizers in the Northern 
States that it would never be possible for any human force to take 
this place — that it was an impregnable stronghold. With all the per- 
sistence of which his nature was capable. Gen. Grant set himself to 
the task of accomplishing what had thus been declared impossible. 
He succeeded. On July 4, 1863, Gen. Pemberton, with 27,000 
prisoners of war, surrendered after a long investment of the place. 
On March 17, 1864, Grant became Commander-in-Chief of the Union 
forces, and at once began to force the fighting everywhere. He had 
some 700,000 men under his command, and planned two campaigns — 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME 223 

one for Gen. Sherman — the famous march through Georgia, and one 
for himself — the advance on Richmond. Both were completely suc- 
cessful. One was a hurrah march with not much fighting. The other 
was a steady, continuous, but frightfully bloody crushing out of the 
Confederacy's life. The battles of the Wilderness were admirably 
fought on both sides. Gen. Lee was a great strategist ; his losses 
were less than those of his conqueror, and Gen. Grant never hesitated 
to speak in the highest terms of the generalship of his antagonist. 
The end had to come. Richmond's fall set the North wild with 
enthusiasm, and Appommatox capped the climax. The name of 
Grant was upon every lip. He fixed his headquarters at Washington, 
and by request of President Johnson, in 1867 became ad interim 
Secretary of War. He held this place from August 12, 1867, to 
January 14, 1868. His refusal to remain after the Senate had taken 
positive action against Stanton's removal has l^een noted. The 
nomination of Gen. Grant for President of the United States in the 
summer of the same year was a matter of course. 

His election was assured from the begmning of the campaign. 
He entered office on March 4, 1869, and found enough work before 
him in carrying out the policy of reconstruction which had been 
decided upon by Congress, and which had been blocked by the 
recalcitrancy of Andrew Johnson. The plan was rapidly carried 
through, now that the Executive and Legislative branches of the 
Government were at last in harmony. From the standpoint of 
the Republicans, it did not turn out a complete success. One by 
one the high spirit, perfect organization, virility, and determination of 
the Southern whites reclaimed their States from the rule of ignorant 
negroes. General Grant went to the full limit of his powers under the 
Constitution in sustaining the " Reconstruction" State Government, 
but at last saw that all his efforts would be unavailing. He was renom- 
inated in 1872, and in spite of a revolt from the Republican party, 
in which such men as Charles Sumner, of Massachuttes, Ex-Gov- 
ernor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, Reuben E. Fenton, of New York, and 
Horace Greeley, were leaders, was re-elected by the largest majority, 
popular and electoral, that any President had ever received. It was 
a triumph worthy of the great General. P)Ut the process of counter- 
reconstruction at the South was going on all the time. At the end of 
Grant's second term, there was serious iloubt about the result of the 
National election. 

General Grant retired from the Presidency in 1877. ^^^ '^\^'\ at 
the Drexel Cottage, at Mount MacGregor, on July 23, 1885. 



2 24 SOUVENIR AND 



RUTHERFORD B. HAYES 
1877-1881. 

Rutherford B. Hayes was born in 1822, at Delaware, Ohio. He 
graduated from Kenyon College and from the Harvard Law School, 
and in 1845 opened the practice of law in the town of Sandusky in 
his native State. He did not meet with great success there, but as he 
had many friends in the metropolis of Ohio, he decided to move to 
Cincinnati (1850), and there built up a very good practice. In 1859 
he was elected city solicitor, and when the war broke out was among 
the first to enlist. He was first made Major, and then Lieutenant- 
Colonel of the 23rd Ohio Infantry. His command was engaged in 
the campaigns of Western Virginia, and he was in several engage- 
ments around Winchester. At South Mountain Colonel Hayes was 
very severely wounded. His brave conduct on the battle-field won for 
him a brevet as Brigadier-General in 1864, and one year later as Major- 
General. From 1867 to 1875 he was Governor of Ohio. When the 
Republican National Convention met in Cincinnati in 1876, "Blaine 
against the field " was very even betting. The field won with Gov. 
Hayes as its candidate. 

The Democrats had put up as their candidate the greatest states- 
man in their organization — a man whose power of logical thought, 
and whose capacity as a man of affairs was as great as his eloquence, 
and who was, perhaps, a closer follower, a more devoted disciple of 
Jefferson than any other Democrat, except Samuel J. Randall, the 
Congressional Colossus, with whom he was m perfect accord. On the 
popular vote Tilden was easily the victor. He had 184 electoral votes 
uncontested. 185 was a majority. In addition, his electoral ticket had 
polled more votes than that of Hayes in Louisiana, in Florida, and in 
South Carolina. This was conceded. But in those States peculiar 
conditions prevailed. Their laws provided for political returning 
boards consisting of State officials. These boards had the legal right 
to throw out returns from any district where, in their opinion, violence 
or intimidation had affected the result. They exercised it. A 
majority for the Hayes electors in each of these States was returned 
in this way, and certificates were given to them. The Tilden electors 
in each case made a contest. The Electoral Commission on contested 
certificates was then made up of three Democrats and two Republicans 
from the House, two Democrats and three Republicans from the Senate, 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



225 




two justices of the Supreme Court of known Democratic leanings, 
two of known Republican leanings, and one to be chosen by the other 
four. It was believed that David Davis, of Illinois, who was as likely 
to vote on the Democratic side as on the Republican, would have the 
fifteenth place on the ground of seniority. But the Republican 
managers knew that Davis was ambitious to enter political life, that 
he was tired of the judicial ermine, and they arranged it to have him 
elected United States Senator from the State of Illinois, while the 
organization of the Commission was still pending. This took him out 
of the way, and on the same ground of seniority, Joseph P. Bradley, 
of New Jersey, was made the fifteenth member of the Commission. 
The vote was eight to seven on every question submitted. Hayes was 
inaugurated, and devoted himself to an effort to divide the South by 
trying to stir up the '' old-line Whigs " into joining the Republican 
party. This attempt was not startlingly successful. In the next 
National election, for almost the first time in our history, all the 
States south of Mason and Dixon's line voted for the same Presiden- 
tial candidate — the candidate of the Democratic party. The tariff 
issue, however, had made the North almost equally solid, and General 
('jarficld was elected President. 



2 26 SOUVENIR AND 



JAMES A. GARFIELD— CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 
1881-1885. 

James A. Garfield was a native of Cuyahoga County, Ohio, and 
was born in 1831. Like Lincoln, he had to meet the most discourag- 
ing conditions as a boy, and it was only by the exertion of an im- 
mense amount of energy and self-denial that he succeeded in securing 
what was looked upon in the Western Reserve as the greatest possible 
boon to a young man — a college education. He graduated at 
Williams College, Massachusetts, in 1856, and, having studied law, 
was admitted to the bar in his native State. Elected to the Ohio 
Senate in 1859, he had hardly served out his time when the war 
began, and he took the field at once as Colonel of the Forty-Second 
Ohio Volunteers. In 1862, he was promoted to the position of 
Brigadier-General of Volunteers for gallantry. He did his full duty 
as a soldier at Shiloh, and at Corinth, and in 1863 became chief of 
staff^to Gen. Rosecrans. At Chickamauga, he greatly distinguished 
himself, and was rewarded with a Major-Generalship. He resigned 
to take a seat in the Thirty-Eighth Congress, to which he had been 
chosen by his neighbors in Ohio. \\\ 1880 he was elected to the 
Senate by the Legislature of Ohio. Then the Republican National 
Convention met in Chicago, and Gen. Garfield was nominated. The 
Democrats put up Gen. Hancock, whose record as a soldier was un- 
impeachable, but whose familiarity with public life was very slight. 
Manufacturing interests could not trust him as they had trusted 
Tilden. The Republican party in New York was better organized 
than ever before. Garfield was elected. He made Mr. Blaine 
Secretary of State, set out upon the pursuance of a vigorous foreign 
policy, and at once made war upon the dominant wing of his owi 
policy in the Empire State, in the interest of Mr. Blaine's supporters 
there. Gen. Merritt, Collector of the Port of New York, was removed 
to make room for Judge Wm. H. Robertson, of Westchester County, 
who had headed the bolt against the " unit rule" in the Republican 
Convention. President Garfield was shot July 2, i88i,by Guiteau, an 
addle-headed office-seeker, in the Pennsylvania Railroad depot at 
Washington, and while he was hanging between life and death, popular 
sympathy was deeply touched. General Garfield at the same time 

226 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



227 



was displaying a fortitude and patience under physical sulTering which 
evoked the applause of people in every civilized nation the world over. 
His constitution was superb, to begin with, and he had never enervated 
it in any way. In every part of the United States prayers were being 
offered up for his recovery. No event of a personal nature had ever 
so agitated the popular heart as the shooting of Garfield, and the 
doubt as to the result kept up the agitation. That the shooting had 
no other end than to gratify Guiteau's personal pique at his failure to 
get office, is evident from the evidence brought out at his trial. But 
brave endurance of the agony of such an incural)le wound made Gar- 
field a martyr in the eyes of the public. His death on September 19, 
1881, cost more heartfelt tears in a larger number of households than 
that of any other name in the world's history. In his illness he had 
proved that American manhood yields no palm to the memory of a 
Bayard, and that in this Chief Magistrate the people had chosen one 
who was the very flower of native chivalry. 

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DOORS OPEN FROM 7 UNTIL 5:30, and 6:30 UNTIL 10 P. M. 

LAST STAGE PERFORMANCE COMMENCES AT 10 V. M. 

HOURLY PERFORMANCES. RARE CURIOSITIES. 

Entertainments Especially Adapted for the Amusement of 
Ladies and Children. 



fiDMISSION, 10 ©ENITS. 

Reserved Seats 5 Cents Extra, Not Open on Sundays. 



228 



SOUVENIR AND 




A QUARTER CENTURY 



has passsed since we first com- 
menced the making of cider, 
and during that period it has 
ever been our constant aim to 
produce the choicest article in 
market 

A pure cider when properly 
made is a health-giving a n d 
thirst-satisfying beverage. Our 
Golden Russet and Crab 
Apple cider is slightly fermented 
and shows a small percentage of 
spirit, while our Sweet Carbo- 
nated is an unfermented juice 
and does not show the slightest 
trace of spirit. 

We supply these goods put up 
in champagne style, packed in 
cases containing one dozen 
quarts or two dozen pints. 

Our Sparkling Draught, 







Golden Russet and Crab 
Apple ciders for draught pur- 
poses are put up in packages 
containing 14, 28, and 50 gal- 
lons each, and equally as great 
care is used in preparing them. 

Our four-years-old Cider 
Vinegar ; up plied in same 
sized packages. Send lor de- 
scriptive circular and price list. 

Our goods can be had from 
all first-class grocers or direct 
from our warehouse. Special 
jirices on car lots shipped direct 
from our mills. 

I K, 1 1 C, UOTT, 

118 Warren Street, N. Y. 

MILLS, 

Bouckville, Madison County 

NK%V YORK. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 229 



Af] Eileganl and Apprapriale SQayenir. 



THE ONLY COMPLETE ILLUSTRATED 



hi^toi^YoftheCityofweWYork. 

BY MRS. MARTHA J. LAMB. 

TWO VOLUMES, ROYAL OCTAVO. 313 ILLUSTRATIONS 



"It is by far the best history of New York." — 
Geo. Bancroft. 

" In mechanical execution the volumes are superb." 
— R. S. Storrs. 

" It is rich with information, and the interesting 
story never was so thoroughly and satisfactorily 
told." — Geo. Wm. Curtis. 



Sent by Post or Express Prepaid on Receipt of Price. For 
sale by all booksellers. for descrip- 
TION AND Prices, Address, 

A. S. BARNES & CO., 

PUBLISHERS, 
111 AND 113 WILLIAM ST., NEW YORK. 



2^0 



SOUVENIR AND 




Citizens' Insurance Co. 

OK NEW^ YORK. 

Iii.corpora.tecL 133©. 

CELEBRATED ITS SEMI-CENTENNIAL APRIL 28TH, 1886. 



JAMES M. McLEAN, 
JAMES W. SMITH, 
EDWARD KING. 
EDWARD A. WALTON, 



-DIRECTORS. 

AMOS F. ENO, DeWITT C. HAYS. 

WM. J. VALENTINE, JOHN D. JONES. 
BENJ. L. SWAN, Jk., EDWARD SCHELL. 
GEORGE H. McLEAN, GEORGE F. BAKER. 
GARRETT A. HOBART. 



FRANK M. PARKETl, GEO. McLEAN, EDW. A. WALTON, 
Secretary. Vice-President. President. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



2\\ 



LW PLATE GUSS WWKl CO, 

Office: cor. Willianri and Cedar Streets. 

This Company has a Cash Capital of One Hnndred Thousand Dollars invested 
in United States Bonds. 

Total assets, over Three Hundred Thousand Dollars. 




It insures Plate Glass ■Windo^vs, Doors, Show- 
cases, and Mirrors, against Accidental 
Breakage, and pays its Losses 
promptly. 

J. G. BEEMER, President, 

D. B. HALSTEAD, Vice-President, 

W. T. WOODS, Secretary. 



2-^2 SOUVENIR AND 



Chester A. Arthur, who succeeded to the Presidency on the 
death of Gen. Garfield, was a native of Vermont. He was born in 
Franklin County, of that State, in 1830, and was the son of William 
A. Arthur, a Baptist clergyman, who successively held several pas- 
toral charges in Vermont and in Eastern New York. He gradu- 
ated at Union College in 1849; and, having studied law, was 
admitted to the bar in 1852. At the outbreak of the Civil War 
E. D. Morgan was Governor of the State of New York. He appointed 
Chester A. Arthur, then only thirty-one years of age, to the important 
and just at that period most responsible — position of Inspector- 
General of the N.G.S.N.Y. In 187 1 Gen. Arthur, who had always been 
energetic in the service of his party, was made Collector of the Port 
by President Grant. In that capacity he was firm, inexorable 
when the public interest demanded it, but took no malign delight in 
making the collection of the customs as odious as possible to those 
who had to pay the import duties. In 1880, the Republican party in its 
National Convention had a chance to voice its wishes, and named 
Gen. Arthur for the Vice-Presidency. New York voted for Garfield and 
Arthur. They won. Arthur became President in the midst of profound 
sorrow over Garfield's death, and acted in such a way as to win the 
applause of even his enemies. His course in domestic affairs was 
suggested by a profound knowledge of what commercial interests 
demanded. His foreign policy was at the same time firm and con- 
servative. Toward the end of his term, when his successor was to be 
chosen, he had an opportunity to prove the unselfishness of the views 
he had always held as to the political freedom of all public servants. 
He had resisted coercion by President Hayes when he was himself in 
the customs service. A National Convention was coming on, and 
the temptation to coerce others was a strong one. Gen. Arthur 
resisted it. To all his friends in different States he wrote: "The 
power of patronage shall not be used in my behalf. Every officer 
must be free to take what personal action he chooses in his State 
and district." Promises of office and threats of removal were left to 
the President's opponents. He would not soil his hands with them. 
In many cases those who held office under him actually used their 
subordinate authority against him. He would not interfere. Arthur 
was not renominated. The State of New York and the nation were 
lost to the Republican party. Gen. Arthur again took up his law 
practice in New York City, but found his health sadly impaired. He 
died on November 18, 1886. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 233 

GROVER CLEVELAND. 
1885-1889. 

Grover Cleveland, the twenty-second President of the United 
States, is a native of Caldwell, Essex Co., New Jersey. He was 
born in 1837, and was the son of Richard Y. Cleveland, who after- 
wards removed from the State of New Jersey to New York, and died 
at what is now known as the Cleveland Homestead at Holland Patent, 
m the latter State. The future President was largely educated by his 
father. In 1855 he concluded to set out for the West, with the 
idea of studying law at Cleveland, Ohio. But while passing through 
Buffalo, he met his uncle, William F. Allen, who persuaded him to 
stay there and pursue his legal studies in his own ofifice. In 1859 he 
was admitted to the bar. He made many friends, and displayed con- 
siderable ability in his profession, and in 1863 was made Assistant 
District-Attorney of Erie County, a position which he held for three 
years. During this time it appears that Mr. Cleveland made himself 
thoroughly familiar with the practical politics of his county. In 1870 
he was chosen Sheriff of Erie County, after a hot fight, and in this 
office did good service to the people of the county. In 1881 he was 
chosen Mayor of Buffalo, on a " Reform" ticket. He succeeded in 
cutting down the expense of the City government. One year later, 
the Democratic party nominated Cleveland as candidate for Governor. 
Their candidate was elected by 192,000 majority over an estimable 
and universally respected Republican candidate, and by virtue of that 
fact was at once placed foremost in the list of aspirants for the 
Democratic Presidential nomination in 1884. 

The Democratic National Convention met, and there were two 
candidates from New York Roswell P. Flower, of this city, and Gov- 
ernor Cleveland. The latter had a majority of the State delegates, 
and, by virtue of the unit, rule, cast them all. He was nominated. 
Then came one of the most bitter and doubtful contests of which the 
history of American politics bears any record. The Republican party 
had nominated James G. Blaine. Cleveland was elected, and 
inaugurated on March 4, 1885. His course in office was honest, fear- 
less, and meant to be patriotic. But on behalf of the followers of 
Jefferson he threw down the gauntlet of battle to the New Federalists 
on the question of tariff legislation, and, on his renomination in 1888, 
President Cleveland was not re-elected. He is at present practicing 
law in New York city. 



234 



SOUVENIR AND 




^"^^^.^i^-^t-a^ ^^^^^^^^^^i'^^jJ/ 






OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



235 



PEOPLE CROW FOR IT. 

lOERiil REIED! CO.'S 

ROW 

OUGH 
URE. 

CROW 
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CURE. 



O 




TRADE MAEK. 

^WE OXJ^^R^A^IXTEE TO CUR-E. 

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called Cough Cures. Our References are genuine, and we have 
good reason to crow over them. 

AVe positively have the best cure for Coughs, Golds, Hoarse- 
ness and Bronchial Troubles. A trial will convince you. 

We have placed our Crow Cough Cure before the public, not 
through extensive advertising, but it luis assumed its popularity 
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to bring it to 2:)erf ection. 

A trial will convince you of its true value. For sale 
everywhere. 

NOERMANN REMEDY CO., 

310 Court Street? Brooklyn. 

FOR vSALE AT 

FEieie-2-'s IF* n .-^ le 3^ .A. o "ST , 

SUN BUILDING, Opposite City Hall. NEW YORK. 



236 SOUVENIR AND 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 
INAUGURATED MARCH 4, 1889. 

Benjamin Harrison, the twenty-third President of the United 
States, is a grandson of William H. Harrison, the hero of the Log 
Cabin and Hard Cider campaign of 1S40. He was born at North 
Bend, on the Miami River, in Ohio, in 1833. He graduated at the 
Miami University in 1852, and two years later took up the practice 
of law in the city of Indianapolis. He was elected Reporter of the 
Indiana Supreme Court in i860; but when the war broke out, went 
into the Union army as Colonel of the Seventieth Indiana Volun- 
teers, a regiment which he had himself raised. He joined Rosecranz 
at Murfreesboro'. Afterward Col. Harrison marched through Geor- 
gia with Gen. Sherman. He did some hard fighting at Resaca, 
Kulp's Hill and Peach Tree Creek. His defence of Nashville 
against the Confederate General Hood, won for him the commen- 
dation of his superiors. He rejoined Sherman in North Carolma, 
early in 1865. and was brevetted a Brigadier-General on March 22 
of the same year. On June 8, 1865, Gen. Harrison was mustered 
out of the service. He went back to his law practice at Indianapo- 
lis, and in 1876 was nominated by the Republican party for Governor 
of the State. He made a hard fight, but was at last beaten because 
of the popularity of his opponent, " Blue Jeans" Williams, with the 
common people. In 1880 Gen. Harrison was elected by the Legis- 
lature as United States Senator, and until 1885 ^e represented his 
State in the upper branch of the National Legislature. He was then 
beaten in a fight for re-election. 

In 1888 the Republican National Convention met at Chicago, and 
a pretty large majority of the delegates were probably in favor of a 
second nomination of Mr. Blaine. But the great leader was in 
Europe. He had repeatedly said that he would make no contest 
for a nomination, and his supporters did not dare to subject the 
party to the risk of putting him up and then having him decline 
the honor. They would have been glad to secure his unanimous 
nomination; and it is understood that at one time all of the promi- 
nent candidates had been induced to withdraw, in order to allow of 
such an outcome of events. But Senator Sherman, of Ohio, blocked 
the arrangement in the long run, and was able to hold the whole 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



237 



of the Ohio delegation in line for himself, in spite of the wish of 
many of the delegates to vote for Mr. Blaine. The New York del- 
egation had voted solidly for Chauncey M. Depevv, and the Indiana 
delegation, with one or two exceptions, had stood as solidly for Mr. 
Harrison. Judge Walter Q. Gresham, another Indiana man, was 
being pushed by the Illinois delegates. His friends urged that he 
could hold the votes of the workingmen, because in one or two cases 
his decisions on the bench had borne very severely against railroad 
corporations in cases arising out of labor disputes. 

In this critical situation the New York men decided the result. 
They reasoned that Harrison could in all probability carry their State 
on the tariff issue as against Mr. Cleveland, and that he was sure to 
carry his own State, which, with New York, and the sure Republican 
States, would remove doubt about the general result. They swung 
New York to Harrison and nominated him. Then, in return for their 
support, they secured for Levi P. Morton, of their own State, the 
nomination for Vice-President. The ticket, as constituted, was one 
upon which the long-divided Republicans of I'Jew York State could 
unite. Senator Matthew S. Quay, of Pennsylvania, was put at the 
head of the National Campaign, the country was flooded with litera- 
ture showing the alleged advantages of a protective tariff, and the 
final battle was won. President Harrison was inaugurated on March 
4, 1889. He made Mr. Blaine his Secretary of State, William Win- 
dom Secretary of the Treasury, John W. Noble Secretary of the In- 
terior, Benjamin F. Tracy Secretary of the Navy, Redfield Proctor 
Secretary of War, W. H. H. Miller, Attorney-General, John Wana- 
maker Postmaster-General, and James A. Rusk Secretary of Agri- 
culture. 



2^8 



SOUVENIR AND 




BENJAMIN HARRISON. 



TSTESXV T3Xr^^E5ISn?I<3]Nr, 



PLEAS.VST, CO^VEXIENT AND EFFICACIOUS. 

The Pall Mall Electric Association of London and 
New-York now introduces to the American public a new 
invention in Plasters. For three years this remarkable 
Plaster has been used largely in private practice. Its 
cures have been so wonderful and so quick that, yielding 
to the urgent solicitations of prominent physicians, it is 
now made public. 

It oomliines Electro- Magnetism 'ndtk all 
tlie lest qnallties of standard porous and 
other Plasters, and is a really \7onderfu] 
remedy, 

We unhesitatingly guarantee that it will produce 
most astonishing results, effecting rapid cures where 
medicine aud all other treatments fail. 

TRY GIVE TO-DAY, and if not e ntirely eat- 
isfactory, the price will be cheerfully refunded. There 
is no shock, but a pleasant, genial glow. I t cannot 
injure, but will always do good. 

Accept Bo substitute. If you cannot obtain it 
promptly at your druggist's remit price, 25 cts., to 
Geo. A. Scott, 843 Broin|-\vay, IVev*' York, 

and it will be mailed, post-paid. 5 sent for $1.00. 
For ordinary troubles, the 2.')C. plaster is a quick 
cure, but in chronic cases of Irng standing, or where 
pain is acute, we make special plasters to suit 
special cases, at $1.00 each. Mention this book. 




vUSE: 



■ri'DRrscoTrscr^ 

ELEGJRiC PLASTER 

-.J^HlU.-_. ,. ja^..l,w^. ^^UUJ^^- ,,>....uiim^ 
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IT CAUSES NO SORES LIKE VOLTAIC PLASTERS, 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



239 



ESTABLISHED -in 1838. 



Frank Miller & Sons, 




has so long TT\aIr\tairv?d \ 
pro(iuiidjorl[\? purpose 



> 





M 

1:^ 





i^02- 6'27e Throup-hout The World. 



OFFICE AND FACTORY. 



349 AND 351 WEST 26th STREET, 

N E W YORK, U. S. A. 

EUKOPEAN OFFICE, 

Tower Ohambers, Moorgate, LONDON^ ENGLAND. 



240 



SOUVENIR AND 



Old Stand, Union Square, New York City. 

ESTABLISHED OVER 60 YEARS. 



\PS-JACKSC5IVN8KP' 




DESIGNERS AND MAKERS OF 

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Everything Pertaining- to Open Fireplaces. 

IMPORTERS OF TILES. 

FOUNDRIES y^ SHOPS EAST 28th & 29th STS. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION IN 1789— OUR FIRST 
NATIONAL ELECTION. 

The history of Washington's inauguration as First President of 
the United States, the most significant event in American history, not 
even excepting the signing of the Declaration of Independence, 
begins naturally with an account of the first national election under 
the new system. Not only was a President to be chosen, but a 
Senate and a House of Representatives. Individual ambitions 
were excited by the contest for greater and lesser places under the 
Constitution. Individual animosities were satisfied in settling these 
contests. General popular interest made itself felt with regard to the 
choice of Senators and Representatives as well as Presidential elec- 
tors. The plan of government was not fully understood, in spite of 
the efforts of several distinguished pamphleteers. The first national 
election was as novel as it was significant. 

"The first Wednesday in January, 1789, arrived, and electors 
were chosen in all of the ratifying .States save New York. In that 
great commonwealth the choice was to be made by the Legislature, 
and the Legislature was divided against itself. The Assembly was in 
the hands of the Clinton men, and strongly Anti-federal. The Senate 
was in the hands of the friends of Hamilton, and was by a small 
majority Federal. The bill which the Assembly framed provided 
that the Senate and Assembly, having each nominated eight electors, 
should meet and compare lists, that men whose names were in both 
lists should be considered elected, and that from those whose names 
were not in both lists one-half of the needed number should be 
chosen by each branch of the Legislature. The Senate amended the 
bill by proposing that the two branches of the Legislature should not 
meet, but should exchange lists, and that, if the lists differed, each 
branch should propose names to the other for concurrence, and should 
go on doing so till all the electors were chosen. The Assembl}-- 
promptly rejected the amendment ; a conference followed ; the 
Senate stood firm, and no electors were chosen. New York, there- 
fore, cast no vote m the first Presidential election, and had no repre- 
sentative on the floor of the Senate during the first session of the 
first Congress under the Constitution. 

" Very similar was the quarrel that took place in New Hampshire. 

241 



242 SOUVENIR AND 



There the law gave the people the right of nominating, and the 
Legislature the power of appointing, but was silent as to the way in 
which the appointment should be made. The Assembly was for a 
joint ballot. This the Senate would not hear of, and stood out for a 
negative on the action of the Assembly as complete and final as in 
the cases of resolutions and bills ; a wrangle followed, and midnight 
of the 7th of January was close at hand when the Assembly gave 
way, made an angry protest, and chose electors, each one of whom 
was a Federalist. In Massachusetts the General Court chose two 
electors at large, and eight more from a list of sixteen names sent up 
from the eight Congressional districts. In Pennsylvania the choice 
was by direct vote of the people, and the counties beyond the mount- 
ains being strongly Anti-federal, two general tickets were promptly in 
the field. On the Lancaster ticket were the names of ten Federalists 
well known to be firm supporters of Washington. On the Harrisburg 
ticket were the names of men who had signed the address and rea- 
sons of dissent of the minority of the Pennsylvania convention, had 
l>een members of the Anti-federal societies and committees of corre- 
spondence, had labored hard to defeat the Constitution, and, even 
after nine States had ratified, had sat in the famous Harrisburg Con- 
vention which petitioned the Legislature to ask to have the Constitu- 
tion sent for amendment to a new convention of the States. These 
men, the Federalists declared, were planning to make Patrick Henry 
President, and though some were given a great vote, not one secured 
election. 

" In Maryland, where the choice was also made by the people, the 
excitement became intense, for the lines which parted the Federalists 
and Anti-federalists were precisely those which a few years before 
parted the non-imposters and the paper-money men from the men 
who wished for honest money and the prompt payment of the Conti- 
nental debt. All over the State meetings were held, addresses were 
issued, and each party accused of fraud. But when the votes were 
counted, the Federalists were found to have carried the day. Virginia 
likewise left the choice with the people, and in that State some fights 
took place and some heads were broken. But these were of common 
occurrence, often happened when members of the House of Bur- 
gesses were elected, and were thought nothing of. In Connecticut, 
New Jersey, Delaware, South Carolina, and Georgia, the electors 
-were chosen by the Legislatures of the States. In Rhode Island and 
North Carolina no elections were held ; they had not accepted •■'-"^ 
Constitution, and were not members of the new Union. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 243 

"Of the sixty-nine electors thus appointed not six were formally 
pledged to the support of any man. In Baltimore and Philadelphia, 
where the contest was close, a few had been charged with Anti-federal- 
ist leanings, and had issued cards declaring that if elected they would 
cast their votes for Washington and Adams. But the others gave no 
pledges, and none were wanted. Differ as men might touching the 
merits of the Constitution, there was no difference of opinion touch- 
ing the man who should fill the highest office under the Constitution, 
and voters and electors alike united on General Washington. 

" There all unanimity ceased, for no other name was a charmed 
name with Americans. That of Franklin stood high, but Franklin 
had passed his eightieth year, was sorely afflicted with an incurable 
disease, and was justly thought too old and feeble for the second place. 
The services and claims of Samuel Adams were almost as great; but 
he had begun by opposing the Constitution, had ended by accepting 
it with much reluctance, and was accordingly passed over by the 
Federalists, w-ho brought forward the name of John Adams in his 
stead." Adams' aristocratic ideas were used against him. George 
Clinton, of Ne'v York, was warmly supported. His friends said : 
*' His name is now written at the foot of the Declaration of Inde- 

PHENIX * INSURANgE * gOMPAM 

OF Bi^ooKLcyr^, r^. I/. 

GASH CAPITAL. -:- -:- $1,000,000. 

InsureB against Losses by Fire, Windstorms, Tornadoes, Cyclones and Lightning. 

NEW YORK OFFICES, 195 BROADWAY. 

Gkobge p. Sheldon, President. 

Akthub B. Graves, Vice-President. 

George Ingraham, 2d Vice-President. 
Philander Shaw, Secretary. 

Charles C. Little, Assistant Secretary. 

Western and Southern Department, Phenix Building, Chicago, 111., T. B. Bubch, 

General Agent. 
South Eastern Department, H. C. Stockdell, General Agent, Atlanta, Ga. 
J. W. Barley. General Agent, Eastern Department and Middle States. Office 

in New York. 



244 SOUVENIR AND 



pendence; he has never sat in Congress, nor gone on a mission to 
foreign parts to caper before dukes and princes, and dance attendance 
in the ante-chambers of kings; he has no theory about the place to be 
given to the rich and well-born in the state; but he is a stanch repub- 
lican, a friend to the liberty of the press, an enemy of standing 
armies, a hater of consolidated governments in every form, a man in 
whose hands the interests of six States proposing amendments will be 
safe." So eager were his friends to see him Vice-President that they 
formed clubs, took the name of Federal-Republican, and, while elect- 
ors were yet to be chosen, canvassed, corresponded, and sent out a 
circular letter in his behalf. For a time his chances of success were 
good; but when it was known that Clinton could not carry his own 
State, that New York had chosen no electors, all hope of success was 
given up. And well it might be, for when the electors met on the 
first Wednesday in February, Clinton got but three votes, and these 
three were cast by Virginia. Washington, on that day, was given 
sixty-nine; John Adams received thirty-four. Thirty-five more votes 
were thrown away on ten men, no one of whom received more than nine. 

That a vote or two should be thrown away was necessary. As the 
Constitution then read, it was the duty of each elector to write down on 
his ballot the names of two men, without indicating which he wished 
should be President. The man receiving the greatest number of elect- 
oral votes was to be President, and the man receiving the next highest, 
was to be Vice-President. Had every elector who voted for Washing- 
ton also voted for Adams, neither would have been elected, and the 
choice of a President would have devolved on the House of Repre- 
sentatives. So great a scattering, however, was unnecessary, and is to 
be ascribed to a fear that Washington would not be given the vote of 
every elector — a fear Alexander Hamilton did all he could to spread. 

The choice of Representatives was left to the people. By the 
Constitution, any man who could vote for a member of the lower 
branch of his State Legislature could vote for a member of Congress. 
But not every man could on election day write a ballot and bring it 
to the polls or stand in the crowd that shouted "aye" when the 
name of his candidate was called. Suffrage was far from universal. 
The elective franchise belonged to the rich and well-to-do, not to the 
poor. The voter must own land or property, rent a house, or pay 
taxes of some sort. Here the qualification was fifty acres of land, or 
personal property to the value of thirty pounds; there it was a white 
skin and property to the value of ten pounds. In one State it was a 
poll-tax; in another, a property-tax; in another, the voter must be a 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



245 



quiet and peaceable man with a freehold worth forty shillings, or 
personal estate worth forty pounds. To vote in South Carolina, a free 
white man must believe in the being of a God, in a future state of 
reward and punishment, and have a freehold of fifty acres of land; 
to vote in New York, he must be seized of a freehold worth twenty 
pounds York money, or pay a house-rent of forty shillings a year, 
have his name on the list of tax-payers, and in his pocket a tax receipt. 
The effect of restrictions such as these was to deprive great 
numbers of deserving men of the right to vote. Young men just 
starting in life, sons of farmers ivhose lands and goods had not been 
•divided, wandering teachers of schools, doctors and lawyers beginning 
the practice of their profession, might count themselves fortunate if 
at the age of tvyenty-eight they could comply with the conditions im- 
posed by the constitutions of many of the States. Of the mass of 
unskilled laborers, — the men who dug ditches, carried loads, or in 
liarvest-time helped the farmer gather in his hay and grain, — it is safe 
to say that very few, if any, ever, in the course of their lives cast a 
vote, for they were thought well paid if given food, lodging, and $60 
a year. 

WHITMAN SADDLE COMPANY, 

MANUFACTURERS AND IMPORTERS OF 




" Whitman " U. S. OfficfefS' Saddle, 

^nd Equestrian Q-oods Grenerally. 

.English snd American Military Patronage ^peciafly SoJic/lecf. 
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US Ghanibers Street, New York CitY, 

ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUES SENT FREE. 



246 



SOUVENIR AND 



States. 



New Hampshire. . , 
Massachusetts . . . . 

Connecticut 

New Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

South Carolina. , . . 
Georgia 

Total 





















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OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 247 



u 



H 

JJL 



Henry C. Jenkins. a. McCowan. 

IKINS & McCOWAN. 
^PRINTERS^ 

224-228 Centre Street, 



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248 SOUVENIR AND 



The twelfth Senator necessary to make a quorum did not reach 
New York until April 5, 1789. 

The House of Representatives meanwhile had been more for- 
tunate — had secured a quorum, had chosen a Speaker, and was hard 
at work on a tariff act, when a messenger from the Senate knocked at 
the door and informed the Speaker that the Senate was ready to 
count the electoral vote. 

This duty done, the Houses parted, and Charles Thomson was 
sent to carry a certificate of election to Washington, while Sylvanus 
Bourne went on a like errand to John Adams, at Braintree. The 
journey of these two men from their homes to the seat of Congress 
was one long ovation. Adams set out first, and was accompanied 
from town to town along the route by troops of soldiers and long 
lines of men on horseback, was presented with addresses, was met at 
Kingsbridge by members of Congress, and the chief citizens of New 
York, and escorted with every manifestation of respect to the house 
of John Jay. His inauguration took place on April 22d, and was at- 
tended by one incident, unnoticed at the time, but serious in its con- 
sequences. In the crowd that stood about the doors of Federal Hall 
to catch a glimpse of Mr. Adams as he went in, were John Randolph, 
of Roanoke, and his elder brother Richard. The lads were students 
at Columbia College, and, pressing too close to the Vice-President's 
carriage, Richard, in the language of his brother, "was spurned by 
the coachman." In a healthy-minded lad the wrath which the 
" spurning" called forth would surely have gone down with the sun. 
But John Randolph was far from healthy-minded. To him the act 
was past all forgiveness, and to the last day of his life he hated, with 
a fierce, irrational hatred, not the coachman, but John Adams him- 
self. 

That Washington was not anxious to return to public life, that in 
fact he was averse to doing so, is shown by his correspondence con- 
clusively. It may be inferred also from his previous withdrawal. 

Desiring to resign his commission as Commander-in-Chief of the 
army, he addressed a letter to the President of Congress requesting 
to know what manner would be most proper in which to tender his res- 
ignation, whether by written communication or personal address. 
He was assured that the latter mode would be the more acceptable, 
and it was appointed that Washington should appear in the hall of 
Congress, at Annapolis, on December 23, 1783, and there express his 
intentions to the members assembled. In a letter to Baron Steuben, 
he says : "This is the last letter 1 shall write while I continue in the 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



249 



service of my country. The hour of my resignation is fixed at 
twelve to-day, after which I shall become a private citizen on the 
banks of the Potomac." 

The hall of Congress was crowded at the appointed hour with 
ladies, and with State and general officers. The Secretary of Con- 
gress conducted Washington to his chair, and then the President 
(General Mifflin) informed him that " the United States, in Congress 
assembled, were prepared to receive his communications." Wash- 
ington's address was filled with that stately and sympathetic style of 
rhetoric which was invariable in all his public utterances, and, if we 
are to believe a writer who was present, "few tragedies ever drew so 
many tears from so many beautiful eyes as the moving manner in 
■which His Excellency took his final leave of Congress." The 
closing phrases of this address were : " I consider it an indispens- 
able duty to close this last solemn act of my official life by com- 
mending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of 
Almighty God, and those that have the superintendence of them to 
his holy keeping. Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire 
from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affectionate farewell 
to this august body, under whose orders I have long acted, I here 
offer my commission and take my leave of all the employments cf 
public life." 

"You retire," replied the President of Congress,, "from the 
theatre of ciction with the blessings of your fellow citizens. But the 
glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command ; 
it will continue to animate remotest ages." 

The next day Washington hurried to Mount Vernon to join with 
his family in the festivities of Christmas Eve. 

Charles Thomson was a native of Ireland, a school-teacher in 
Philadelphia, a friend of Benjamin Franklin, and was now living the 
fifty-ninth of his ninety-four years. In 1774, when he was elected 
Secretary of the Continental Congress,- — which office he held for 
fifteen consecutive years, — he had just married a young woman of 
fortune, who was the aunt of President William Henry Harrison and 
the great-great aunt of President T]enjamin Harrison. He left New 
York Tuesday morning, April 7, and on Thursday evening he was in 
Philadelphia. Friday morning he continued his journey, passing 
through Wilmington the same day and reaching Baltimore on Sunday 
evening. Monday morning, April 13, he left Baltimore and arrived 
at Mount Vernon at half-past twelve o'clock Tuesday afternoon, 
being more than a week in making the journey trom New York. 



250 SOUl'EiVIK AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

After Mr. Thomson had presented to the President-elect the certifi- 
cate of election which the President of the Senate had given him and 
had made'a formal address stating the purpose of his visit, Washing- 
ton at once replied, accepting the appointment, and said : 

" I am so much affected by this fresh proof of my country's es- 
teem and confidence that silence can best explain my gratitude. 
While I realize the arduous nature of the task which is imposed^upon 
me and feel my own inability to perform it, I wish that there may not 
be reason for regretting the choice; for indeed all I can promise is 
only to accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal. 

"Upon considering how long time some of the gentlemen of both 
Houses of Congress have been at New York, how an.xiously desirous 
they must be to proceed to business, and how deeply the public mind 
appears to be impressed with the necessity of doing it speedily, I can- 
not find myself at liberty to delay my journey. I shall, therefore, be 
in readiness to set out the day after to-morrow, and shall be happy 
in the pleasure of your company ; for you will permit me to say that 
it is a peculiar gratification to have received this communication 
from you." 

Washington at once began to make preparations for departure 
from Mount Vernon. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION IN 1789— HIS TRIP TO 

NEW YORK. 

It is not easy to understand all the annoyances occasioned by a 
trip from Mount Vernon to New York in 1789. The scoffer and com- 
plainer at our own means of locomotion at the present time must blush 
when he reads of the general lack of transit methods in and out of New 
York just a hundred years ago. We are informed that the mails 
were sent three times a week in the summer and twice a week in the 
winter to Philadelphia and Boston. " The Boston, Albany and Phila- 
delphia Stage Ofifice" was in Cortlandt street, and stages for Boston 
started every Monday, Wednesday and Friday ; for Albany, every 
Monday and Thursday ; and for Philadelphia, from Paulus Hook, 
N. J., twice a day, except Saturdays and Sundays, when they left but 
once a day. 

The Rev. Jeremy Belknap, of New Hampshire, had a trip from 
Dover to Philadelphia that he might well reflect upon with excitement 
were he living to-day. We get our first glimpse of Mr. Belknap m 
the stage-coach going from Boston to Providence. Leaving Boston 
on Thursday morning, he entertained reasonable hopes of reaching 
Providence before night, but the illness of a lady passenger com- 
pelled them to remain over at Hatch's Tavern, in Attleborough. He 
sailed in a packet for Newport on the following Tuesday, which town 
he appears to have reached in due time, only to be detained there by 
squally weather till Friday. In a letter written to Mrs. Belknap in Do- 
ver, the worthy reverend informs us that " before leaving the harbor 
the wind came ahead, and we beat to windward, a species of sading I 
never before was acquainted with, and never wish to be agam. It 
made me downright sea-sick." Finding it impossible to weather 
Point Judith, Mr Belknap in his packet returned to Newport, whence 
he sailed away again the next morning, with seven passengers and a 
fair wind, having " a very pleasant passage up the Sound in a very 
swift-sailing sloop, with every desirable accommodation for eatmg, 
drinking and sleeping." After four days of great enjoyment in New 
York, Mr. Belknap pursued his way to Philadelphia, taking passage 

251 



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OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. -> c -► 

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in the " New Flying Diligence." He left Paulus Hook at three in the 
morning, and, after crossing various streams on scows, arrived in 
Philadelphia at sunset. 

It is further related that a gentleman of Wilmington, Del., who 
was required to journey to New York with some frequency, was looked 
upon as a great traveller, and whenever he returned home from a visit 
the village people crowded about him to hear the marvellous story of 
his trip. 

Washington took his departure from home on the i6th of April. 
But he had not gone a mile from his door when a crowd of friends 
and neighbors on horseback surrounded his carriage, and rode with 
him to Alexandria. There the Mayor addressed him, in the fulsome 
manner of the time, as the first and best of citizens, as the model of 
youth, as the ornament of old age, and went with him to the banks of 
the Potomac where the men of Georgetown were waiting. With them 
he went on till the men of Ba'timore met him, and led him through 
lines of s-houting people to the best inn their city could boast. That 
night a public reception and a supper were given in his honor, and at 
sunrise the ne.xt morning he was on his way towards Philadelphia. 

In size, in wealth, in population, Philadelphia then stood first 
among the cities of the country, and her citizens determined to receive 
their illustrious President in a manner worthy of her greatness and of 
his fame. The place selected was Gray's Ferry, where the road from 
Baltimore crossed the lower Schuylkill — a place well-known and often 
described by travellers. On the high ridge that bordered the eastern 
bank was Gray's Inn and gardens, renowned for the greenhouse filled 
with tropical fruit, the maze of walks, the grottoes, the hermitages, 
the Chinese bridges, the dells and groves, th'^t made it " a prodigy of 
art and nature." Crossing the river was the floating bridge, made 
gay for the occasion with flags and bunting and festoons of cedar r.nd 
laurel leaves. Along the north rail were eleven flags, typical of the 
eleven States of the new Union. On the south rail were two flags ; 
one to represent the new era ; the other, the State of Pennsylvania. 
Across the bridge at either end was a triumphal arch, from one of 
which a laurel crown hnng by a string which passed to the hands of a 
boy who, dressed in white and decked with laurel, stood beneath a 
pine-tree hard by. On every side were banners adorned with em- 
blems and inscribed with mottoes. One bore the words, " May com- 
merce flourish ! " On another was a sun, and under it, " Behold the 
rising empire." A third was the rattlesnake flag, with the threat- 
ening words, " Don't tread on viey On the hill overlooking the 



254 



SOUVENIR AND 




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bridge and the river was a signal to give the people warning of the 
President's approach. 

Toward noon on the 20th of April the signal was suddenly drop- 
ped, and soon after, Washington, with Governor Mifflin and a host of 
gentlemen who had gone out to meet him at the boundary line of 
Delaware, was seen riding slowly down the hill toward the river. As 
he passed under the first triumphal archway the crown of laurel was 
dropped on his brow, and a salute was fired from a cannon on the 
opposite shore, and the people, shouting, '' Long live the President ! " 
went over the bridge with him to the eastern bank, where the troops 
were waiting to conduct him to Philadelphia. The whole city came 
out to meet him, and as he passed through dense lines of cheering 
men, the bells of every church rang out a merry peal, and every face, 
says one who saw them, seemed to say, " Long, long, long live George 
Washington ! " 

That night he slept at Philadelphia, was addressed by the Execu- 
tive Council of State, by the Mayor and Aldermen, by the judges of 
the Supreme Court, the Faculty of the University of Pennsylvania, 
and the members of the Society of the Cincinnati, and early the next 
morning set out with a troop of horse for Trenton.. 

On the bridge which spanned the Assanpink Creek, over which, 
twelve years before, the Hessians fled in confusion, he passed under 
a great dome supported by thirteen columns, and adorned with a 
huge sunflower, inscribed. "To thee alone." The women of 
Trenton had ordered this put up, and, just beyond the bridge were 
waiting, with their daughters, who, as he passed under the dome, 
began singing : 

" Welcome, mighty chief, once more 
Welcome to this grateful shore : 
Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow — 
Aims at thee the fatal blow. 

" Virgins fair and matrons grave. 
Those thy conquering arms did save. 
Build for thee triumphal bowers. 
Strew ye fair his way with flowers — 
Strew your hero's way with flowers." 

As the last lines were sung the bevy of little girls came forward, 
strewing the road with flowers as they sang. Washington was great- 
ly moved, thanked the children on the spot, and before he rode out 



256 



SOUVENIR AND 



of town the next morning wrote a few words to their mothers, as fol- 
lows : 

" General Washington cannot leave this place without expressing his 
acknowledgments, to the matrons and young ladies who received him 
in so novel and grateful a manner at the triumphal arch in Trenton, 
for the exquisite sensation he experienced in that affecting moment. 
The astonishing contrast between his former and actual situation at 
the same spot — the elegant taste with which it was adorned for the 
present occasion — and the innocent appearance of the white-robed 
CHOIR which met him with the gratulatory song, have made such im- 
pressions on his remembrance as he assures them will never be effaced." 

Leaving Princeton at ii a. m., Wednesday, April 22, Washington 
proceeded to New Brunswick, where he was met by Livingston, the 
old War Governor of New Jersey. The next night was spent at 
Woodbridge. At Elizabeth Point, after crossing New Jersey, 
Washington was received by the committee appointed by Congress, 
with whom were the Chancellor of the State, the Adjutant-General, 
the Recorder of the city, Mr. Jay, Secretary of Foreign Affairs ; 
General Knox, Secretary of War ; Samuel Osgood, Arthur Lee and 
Walter Livingston, Commissioners of the Treasury, and Ebenezer 




John Howard Payne sun^year^ ajo- 
Erejy'ou and I Vere born — 
Rich, sweet and clcar.ofHome5weet Home' 
E'en Though he vas forlorn. 

Join in that son^ ye homeless world; 
O'er hill and dale sin<^ free. 
Homc5 for^vou all ar lasrycfind. 
Now come at once To me . 
See! look ai'ound - on everv hand. 
On either .side AXnnhattan's .Hhorc, 
Nor wait a moment-here'5 niy hand. 
Jii.st read mv name your eye.s before: 
Read down fhcline.rhe iianie i.s niine. 



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OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 257 

Hazard, Postmaster-General. This was early in the morning of 
April 23. A splendid barge, built for the purpose and manned by 
thirteen master pilots in white uniforms, under Commodore Nichol- 
son, bore Washington and his suite to New York. Two other barges 
had been prepared for the Board of the Treasury, the Secretaries and 
the other dignitaries. With a favorable wind the party glided out 
across Newark Bay, " the very waters seeming to rejoice in bearing the 
precious burden over its placid bosom." The troops that were left 
behind fired repeated salutes from the shore. 

The following description of this trip was written by Elias Boudinot 
to his wife the next day: 

"You must have observed with what a propitious gale we left the 
shore and glided with steady motion across the Newark Bay, the very 
waters seeming to rejoice in bearing the precious burden over its placid 
bosom. The appearance of the troops we had left behind and their 
regular firings added much to our pleasure. When we drew near to 
the mouth of the Kills a number of boats with various flags came up 
with us and dropped in our wake. Soon after we entered the bay 
General Knox and several other officers in a large barge presented 
themselves 'vith their splendid colors. Boat after boat, sloop after 
sloop, gayly dressed in all their naval ornaments, added to our train 
and made a most splendid appearance. Before we got to Bedloe's 
Island a large sloop came with full sail on our starboard bow, when 
there stood up about twenty gentlemen and ladies, who with most 
excellent voices sung an elegant ode, prepared for the purpose, to the 
tune of ' God Save the King,' welcoming their great chief to the seat 
of government. On its conclusion we saluted them with our hats, 
and then they with the surrounding boats gave us three cheers. Soon 
after, another boat came under our stern and presented us with a num- 
ber of copies of a second ode, and immediately about a dozen gentle- 
men began to sing it, in parts, as we passed along. Our worthy 
President was greatly affected with these tokens of profound respect. 
As we approached the harbor, our train increased, and the huzzaing 
and shouts of joy seemed to add life to this brilliant scene. At this 
moment a number of porpoises came playing amongst us as if they 
had risen up to know what was the cause of all this happiness. 

" We now discovered the shores to be crowded with thousands of 
people — men, women, and children ; nay, I may venture to say tens 
of thousands. From the fort to the place of landing, although near 
half a mile, you could see little else along the shore, in the streets, 
and on board every vessel but heads standing as thick as ears of corn 



258 



SOUVENIR AND 



before the harvest. The vessels in the harbor made a most superb 
appearance indeed, dressed in all their pomp of attire. The Spanish 
ship-of-war the Galveston in a moment, on a signal given, discovered 
twenty-seven or twenty-eight different colors, of all nations, on every 
part of the rigging; and paid us the compliment of thirteen guns, with 
her yards all manned, as did also another vessel in the harbor, the 
North Carolina, displaying colors in the same manner. We soon ar- 
rived at the ferry stairs, where there were many thousands of the 
citizens waiting with all the eagerness of expectation to welcome our 
excellent patriot to that shore which he regained from a powerful 
enemy by his valor and good conduct. We found the stairs covered 
with carpeting and the rails hung with crimson. The President, being 
preceded by the committee, was received by the governor and the 
citizens in the most brilliant manner. He was met on the wharf by 
many of his old and faithful officers and fellow-patriots, who had borne 
the heat and burthen of the day with him, who like him had expe- 
rienced every reverse of fortune with fortitude and patience, and who 
now joined the universal chorus of welcoming their great deliverer 
(under Providence) from all their fears. It was with difficulty a 
passage could be made by the troops through the pressing crowds, 
who seemed incapable of being satisfied with gazing at this man of 
the people. You will seethe particulars of the procession from the 
wharf to the house appointed for his residence in the newspapers. 
The streets were lined with the inhabitants, as thick as they could 
stand, and it required all the exertions of a numerous train of city 
officers, with their staves, to make a passage for the company. The 
houses were filled with gentlemen and ladies, the whole distance being 
about half a mile, and the windows to the highest stories were illumi- 
nated by the sparkling eyes of innumerable companies of ladies, who 
seemed to vie with each other in showing their joy on this great 
occasion. It was half an hour before we could finish our commission 
and convey the President to the house prepared for his residence. 
As soon as ihis was done, notwithstanding his great fatigue of both 
body and mind, he had to receive the gentlemen and officers to a 
very large nnmber, who wished to show their respect in the most 
affectionate manner. When this was finished and the people dis- 
persed, we went (undressed) and dined with his Excellency Governor 
Clinton, who had provided an elegant dinner for us. Thus ended onr 
commission. The evening, though very wet, was spent by all ranks 
in visiting the city, street after street being illuminated in a superb 
manner. I cannot help stating now how highly we were favored in 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 259 

the weather. The whole procession had been completely finished 
and we had repaired to the governor's before it began to rain. When 
the President was on the wharf an officer came up, and addressing 
him said he had the honor to command his guard, and that it was 
ready to obey his orders. The President answered that, as to the 
present arrangement, he should proceed as was directed, but thai, after 
that was over he hoped he would give himself no farther trouble, as 
the affection of his fellow-citizens (turning to the crowd) was all 
the guard he wanted." 

The landing-place was Murray's Wharf, near the foot of Walt 
street, where there was a ferry. Here the stairs and railings were 
carpeted and decorated. Governor Clinton formally received the 
President-elect. An enthusiastic crowd, that had been waiting 
expectantly at the ferry, made the air ring with tumultuous cheering 
as he appeared in the street. It was difficult to form a procession 
among the excited inhabitants, who were desperately struggling with 
each other in an effort to see George Washington. After some delay 
this was finally accomplished. The procession was headed by Colonel 
Morgan Lewis, aided by Majors Morton and Van Home, all of whom 
were mounted. The military companies were next in line. Among 
them were Captain Stokes's horse-troops, accoutered in the style of 
Lee's famous Partisan Legion ; Captain Scriba^s German Grenadiers, 
wearing blue coats, yellow waistcoats, knee-breeches, black gaiters, 
and towering cone-shaped hats faced with bear-skin ; Captain Har- 
rison's New York Grenadiers, composed, in imitation of the Guard of 
Frederick the Great, of only the tallest and finest-looking young men 
in the city, dressed in blue coats, with red facings and gold-lace 
embroideries, white waistcoats and white knee-breeches, black leg- 
gins, and wearing cocked hats trimmed with white feathers ; Scotch 
infantry, in full Highland costume, playing bagpipes. Following the 
military companies were the sheriff of the county, the committee of 
Congress, the President-elect, Secretaries Jay and Knox, Chancellor 
Livingston, and distinguished men in State aft'airs, clergymen, and a 
large number of citizens. Washington was escorted to the Presiden- 
tial mansion, which stood on the corner of Cherry street and Frank- 
lin square. 



26o SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

Here is the formal order of the procession : 

Colonel Morgan Lewis, accompanied by Majors Morton and Vac 

Home. 

Troop of Dragoons, Captain Stokes. 

German Grenadiers, Captain Scriba. 

Band of Music. 

Infantry of the Brigade, Captains Swartout and Stediford. 

Grenadiers, Captain Harsin. 

Regiment of Artillery, Colonel Bauman. 

Band of Music. 

General Malcom and Aid. 

Officers of the Militia, two and two. 

Committee of Congress. 
The President ; Governor Clinton. 

President's Suite. 

Mayor and Aldermen of New York. 

The Reverend Clergy. 

Their Excellencies the French and Spanish Ambassadors in their 

* carriages. 

The whole followed by an immense concourse of citizens. 

Every house and building along the route was decorated with flags, 
silk banners, floral and evergreen garlands. Men, women and chil- 
dren of all degrees flocked through the streets, shouting, waving hats 
and kerchiefs in their almost delirious enthusiasm. The name of 
Washington was not only upon every lip, but displayed in ornamental 
arches, under which the procession passed. The official residence 
was known as the Walter Franklin House. It had been occupied by 
Samuel Osgood, of the Treasury Board, who moved out to give room 
to Washington and family. This house was a large, three-story brick 
structure, with a flat roof. Shortly after arriving at his new home, 
Washington was called upon and congratulated by Government offi- 
cials, foreign ministers, public bodies, military celebrities, and many 
private citizens. He dnied with Governor Clinton that evening at the 
latter's residence in Pearl street. The city was brilliantly illuminated 
in the evening, when there was a Fourth-of-July display of fireworks. 
New York fully appreciated the importance of the occasion. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION IN 1789— PREPARING FOR 
THE CEREiMONY. 

The National Congress, at the time our first President was inaug- 
urated, owed its meeting-place to the generosity of New York. After 
the adoption of the Constitution on September 13, 1788, it was de- 
termined that New York city should be the seat of Congress. The 
change occurred on December 23, 1788. The old City Hall in Wall 
street, in which the Continental Congress had been accustomed to 
meet, was placed by the corporation of the city at the disposal of 
Congress, and after reconstruction was known as Federal Hall. The 
City Hall was built about 1700. It was in the form of an L and 
open in the middle. The cellar contained dungeons for criminals. 
The first story had two wide staircases, two large and two small rooms. 
The middle of the second story was occupied by a court-room, with 
the assembly room on one side and the magistrate's room on the 
other. The debtors' cells were in the attic. At this time the build- 
ing was falhng to decay, and the depleted treasury furnished no 
means with which to erect a new structure, or even to remodel the 
old one. Fortunately, in this emergency, some of the prominent and 
wealthy men subscribed enough money, some thirty-two thousand 
dollars, necessary to make the alterations. AVhen completed, it was 
for that period an imposing structure. The first story was made in 
Tuscan style, with seven openings. There were four massive pillars 
in the center, supporting heavy arches, above which rose four Dortc 
columns. Thirteen stars were ingeniously worked in the panel of 
the cornice. The other ornamental work consisted of an eagle and 
the national insignia sculptured in the entablature, while over each 
window were thirteen arrows surrounded by olive branches, The 
Hall of Representatives was an octangular room fifty-eight by sixty- 
one feet, with an arched ceiling forty-si.x feet high in the middle. 
This hall had two galleries, a platform for the speaker, and a separate 
chair and desk for each member. The windows, which were wide and 
high, were sixteen feet from the floor, with quaint fire-places under 
them. The Senate chamber was twenty feet high, with dimensicns 

261 



262 SOUVENIR AND 



on the floor of thirty by forty feet. The arch of the ceiling repre- 
sented a canopy containing thirteen stars, and a canopy of crimson 
damask hung over the President's chair. The chairs in the hall were 
arranged in semi-circular form. Three spacious windows opened out 
on Wall street. A balcony, twelve feet deep, guarded by a massive 
iron railing, was over the main entrance on Wall street, where there 
was a lofty vestibule paved with marble. 

While the Federal Hall was being transformed, building oper- 
ations were active in various parts of the city. Private houses and 
stores were being constructed along the roads in the sparsely popu- 
lated regions above Chambers street, while warehouses were spring- 
ing up along the river front in the lower part of the city. All the 
merchants and mechanics were busy. Business of all kinds was 
active and vigorous under the stimulus of the new order of things in 
Federal affairs. 

The arrangements for the inauguration proceeded rapidly. In 
the preliminary report of the Congressional committee of arrange- 
ments, offered on Saturday, the 25th of April, it was declared that the 
President should be formally received by both Houses in the Senate 
Chamber on Thursday, the 30th of April, and that both Houses should 
then move into the Representatives' Chamber, where the oath was to 
be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New York. Two 
days later the place for taking the oath was changed to the "outer 
gallery adjoining the Senate Chamber," and it was decided that the 
President, the Vice-President, and both Houses should proceed after 
the ceremony to St. Paul's Church to hear divine service. The idea 
of holding service in St. Paul's Church created considerable discus- 
sion. Senator William Maclay of Pennsylvania said in his journal, 
on the Monday before the inauguration : 

" A new arrangement was reported from the joint committee of 
ceremonies. This is an endless business. Lee offered a motion to 
the chair that after the President was sworn (which now is to be in 
the gallery opposite the Senate Chamber) the Congress should ac- 
company him to St. Paul's Church and attend divine service. This 
had been agitated in the joint committee, but Lee said expressly 
that they would not agree to it. I opposed it as an improper business, 
after it had been in the hands of the joint committee and rejected, as 
T thought this a certain method of creating a dissension between the 
Houses." 

The question of holding services on the day of the inauguration 
had been agitated by the clergymen in town. When Bishop Provoost 



OFFICIAL PEOGRAMME. 



263 



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was applied to on the subject he replied, so Ebenezer Hazard wrote, 
that the Church of England " had always been used to look up to 
Government upon such occasions, and he thought it prudent not to 
do anything till they knew what Government would direct. If the 
good bishop never prays without an order from Government," added 
Hazard, " it is not probable that the kingdom of heaven will suffer 
much from his violence." It must have been a relief to Bishop Pro- 
voost, therefore, when Congress agreed to the service in St. 
Paul's Church. 

Meanwhile Washington had been waited upon by the two Houses 
of Congress, who offered him their congratulations. Similar con- 
gratulatory calls were made by other bodies, including the Chamber 
of Commerpe, whose members met at the Coffee House at half-past 
eleven o'clock one morning, and proceeded to the presidential man- 
sion, where they were introduced by John Broome, the president of 
the Chamber. 

New York was strained with the great crowd of people from all 
sections of the country, who had come to attend the great inaugura- 
tion of an American President. The taverns and boarding-houses 
were packed to the doors. One young lady named Bertha Ingersoll 
wrote to Miss McKean, afterwards Marchioness d'Yrugo : — " We 
shall remain here even if we have to sleep in tents, as so many will have 
to do. Mr. Williamson had promised to obtain us rooms at Fraunces', 
but that was jammed long ago, as was every other decent public 
house ; and now while we are waiting at Mrs. Vandervoort's in Maiden 
lane, till after dinner, two of our beaux are running about town de- 
termined to obtain the best places for us to stay at which can be 
opened for love, money or the most persuasive speeches." 

But the words of a young lady, who adds a postscript in a letter to 
Boston, read better than any others:— "I have seen him! And 
though I had been entirely ignorant that he was arrived in the city I 
should have known at a glance it was General Washington. I never 
saw a human being that looked so great and noble as he does. I 
could fall down on my knees before him and bless him for all the 
good he has done for this country." Enthusiasm such as this did 
not worry seriously about accommodations. 

All the hotels and even private mansions were crowded. Excite- 
ment ran high. There was an insatiable desire prevalent to get a 
look at Washington, who had been described as the noblest, grandest 
man human eyes ever saw. Old people expressed their readiness to 
die after having once seen the first President. Impatiently every- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



26: 



body waited for the great day, April 30th — the dawn of a new era in 
which the reign of order should supplement that of liberty and both 
should prevail together. 

Congress was busy in preparing rules of order for itself, discussing 
the tariff, in organizing the judiciary, in arranging for a house for the 
President, and in preparations to receive him and the Vice-President 
in New York. Each day brought new members into Federal Hall. 
From the second day of April, the day after a quorum had been 
formed, until the last day of the month, the House of Representatives 
received nineteen new members, only ten of whom it is necessary to 
mention by name : Lambert Cadwalader of New Jersey, Isaac Coles 
of Virginia, Joshua Seney and Benjamin Contee of Maryland, 
.4^^danus Burke, Daniel Huger, and William Smith of South Carolina, 
Peter Sylvester and John Hathorn of New York, and Jonathan Grout 
of Massachusetts. Of the other nine, however, something more 
should be said. Tw J were noted Pennsylvanians : George Clymer, 
fifty years old, a signer oi the Declaration, and a framer of the Con- 
stitution of the United States ; and Thomas Fitzsimmons, born in 

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266 SOUVENIR AND 



Ireland, forty-eight years old, and a member of the old Congress and of 
the Constitutional Convention. One of the most distinguished men 
from the South was Abraham Baldwin of Georgia, thirty-five years 
old, graduate of and tutor in Yale College, chaplain in the Revolution, 
lawyer, founder and president of the University of Georgia, member 
of the Continental Congress and Constitutional Convention, and 
afterwards United States Senator. The remainder in the list of 
Representatives who were present at the inauguration of Washington 
were George Partridge of Massachusetts, forty-nine years old, 
graduate of Harvard, delegate to the Continental Congress ; John 
Lawrence of New York, born in England thirty-nine years before, 
lawyer, soldier during the entire Revolution, member of the old Con- 
gress ; Egbert Benson of New York, forty-two, graduate of Columbia 
College, member of the Continental Congress, and first president of 
the i^few York Historical Society ; Thomas Sinnicksonof New Jersey, 
a man of classical education and a captain in the battles of Trenton 
and Princeton ; James Jackson of Georgia, native of England, thirty- 
one years old. Revolutionary soldier, lawyer, and afterwards United 
States Senator ; and William Floyd of New York, fifty-five, a mem- 
ber of the old Congress for nine years, and one of the immortal band 
of signers of the Declaration of Independence. 

Six Senators made their appearance in the Senate Chamber in the 
interval between the formal organization and the inauguration of 
Washington : Ralph Izard of South Carolina, Charles Carroll and 
John Henry of Maryland, George Read of Delaware, Tristram Dalton 
of Massachusetss. and James Gunn of Georgia. Of these it should 
be said that Henry was a Princeton graduate, member of the old 
Congress, and governor of Maryland ; and Read was a lawyer of 
fifty-five, who enjoyed the distinction, as a delegate of the Congress 
of 1774, of having signed the petition to George III., as a member of 
the Congress of 1776, the Declaration, and as a member of the 
Federal Convention of 1787, the Constitution. Izard, educated at 
Christ College, Cambridge, was forty-seven. 

The first Senate was altogether a distinguished body. Its mem- 
bers were prominent as well for social station as for intellectual bril- 
liancy and oratorical ability. Each State had sent its best men. 

The ceremonies on April 30 were begun with a discharge of artil- 
lery at sunrise from old Fort George, near Bowling Green. At nine 
the bells of the churches rang for half an hour, and the congregations 
gathered in their respective places of worship " to implore the bless- 
ings of heaven upon their new Government, its favor and protection 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 267 

to the President, and success and acceptance to his administration." 
The military were meanwhile preparing to parade, and at twelve 
o'clock marched before the President's house on Cherry street. A 
part of the procession came direct from Federal Hall. Following- 
Captain Stokes with his troop of horse were the "assistants" — Gen- 
eral Samuel Blatchley Webb, Colonel William S. Smith, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Nicholas Fish, Lieutenant-Colonel Franks, Major L'Enfant, 
Major Leonard Bleecker, and Mr. John R. Livingston. Following 
the assistants were Egbert Benson, Fisher Ames and Daniel Carroll, 
the committee of the House of Representatives ; Richard Henry 
Lee, Ralph Izard and Tristram Dalton, the committee of the Senate ; 
John Jay, General Henry Knox, Samuel Osgood, Arthur Lee, Walter 
Livingston, the heads of the three great departments ; and gentlemen 
in carriages and citizens on foot. The full procession left the Presi- 
dential mansion at half-past twelve o'clock, and proceeded to Federal 
Hall via Queen street, Great Dock and Broad street. Colonel Mor- 
gan Lewis as Grand Marshal, attended by Majors Van Home and 
Jacob Morton as aides-de-camp, led the way. Then followed the 
troop of horse ; the artillery, the two companies of grenadiers, a 
company of light infantry and the battalion men; a company in the 
full uniform of Scotch Highlanders, with the national music of the 
bagpipe; the Sheriff, Robert Boyd, on horseback; the Senate commit- 
tee ; the President in a state-coach, drawn by four horses, and at- 
tended by the assistants and civil officers ; Colonel Humphreys and 
Tobias Lear, in the President'^ own carriage ; the committee of the 
House ; ISIr. Jay, General Knox, Chancellor Livingston ; his Excel- 
lency the Count de Moustier, and His Excelleucy Don Diegode Gar- 
doqui, the French and Spanish ambassadors; other gentlemen of dis- 
tinction, and a multitude of citizens. The two companies of grena- 
diers attracted much attention. One, composed of the tallest young 
men in the city, were dressed " in blue with red facings and gold- 
laced ornaments, cocked hats with white feathers, with waistcoats 
and breeches and white gaiters, or spatterdashes, close buttoned from 
the shoe to the knee and covering the shoe-buckle. The second, 
or German company, wore blue coats with yellow waist-coats and 
breeches, black gaiters similar to those already described, and tow- 
ering caps, cone-shaped and faced with black bearskin." 

When the military, which amounted to " not more than five hun- 
dred men," and whose "appearance was quite pretty," arrived within 
two hundred yards of Federal Hall, at one o'clock, they were drawn 
up on each side, and Washington and the assistants, and the gentle- 



268 SOUVENIR AND 



men especially invited, marched through the lines and proceeded to 
the Senate Chamber of the *' Federal State House." 

The order in which the procession marched was as follows : 

The Military. 
' The Sherill of the City and County of New York. 

The Committee of the Senate. 
'- GEORGE WASHINGTON. 

' The Committee of the House of Representatives. 

John Jay, Secretary for Foreign Affairs. 
Henry Knox, Secretary of War. 
Robert R. Livingston, Chancellor of the State cf New York. 
Distinguished Citizsns. 

In the Senate all was confusion ; for, the moment the business of 
the day began, Mr. Adams had propounded a question of etiquette. 
The House, he said, would soon attend them, and the President 
would surely deliver a speech. What should be done ? How would 
the Senate behave ? AVould it stand or sit while the President spoke ? 
Members who had been in London and had seen a Parliament oi)ened 
were for following the custom of England, which was, Mr. Lee de- 
clared, for the Commons to stand. Mr. Izard declared the Commons 
stood because there were not benches enough in the room for them to 
sit. A third was in the midst of a strong protest against aping the 
follies of royal governments, when Mr. Adams announced that the 
Clerk of the House was at the door. A new question of etiquette at 
once arose, for the Vice-President was at a loss how to receive him. 
The sentiment of the admirers of England was that the Clerk should 
never be admitted within the bar, but that the Sergeant-at-arms, with 
the mace upon his shoulder, should march solemnly down to the door 
and receive the message. This unhappily could not be done, for the 
Senate had neither a mace nor a sergeant. What should be done was 
still unsettled when the Speaker, with the House of Representatives 
at his heels, came hurrying into the Chamber. All business was in- 
stantly stopped, and the three Senators who ought to have attended 
the President long before, set off for his house. As Washington 
could not leave till they arrived, the procession, which had been form- 
ing since sunrise, was greatly delayed, and for an hour and ten min- 
utes the Senators and Representatives chafed and scolded. At last 
the shouting in the streets made known that the President was come. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 269 



A few minutes later he entered the room, and both Houses were for- 
mally presented. 

For the occasion it is related that Washington v/as dressed in a 
dark brown cloth suit, of American manufacture (made in Hartford, 
Conn.), trimmed with " Eagle" metal buttons, and white silk stock- 
ings, with shoe-buckles of plain silver. He wore a steel-h!lted dress 
sword. He had taken no part in any festivities while in New York, 
but had been awaiting with a solemn sense of responsibility the day 
which had now come. 

The Bible on which the oath was taken had been secured by Liv- 
ingston from the St. John's Lodge of Free Masons, whose rooms were 
near by. A fac-simile of the two pages open when the oath was 
administered was recently published in "The Century." It is bountl 
in red morocco with gilt ornamentation and edges and silver clasps, 
and is eleven inches high, nine wide and three and a-half thick. On 
the obverse and reverse covers are two inscriptions very nearly alike, 
the first of which is as follows : 

GOD SHALL ESTABLISH 

St. JOHNS LODGE CONSTITUTED 

5757 

REBUILT AND OPENED 

NOVEMBER 28 5770 

. OFFICERS THEN PRESIDING 

JONATHAN HAMPTON M 

WILLIAM BUTLER S W 

ISAAC HERON J W 

The reverse cover is shown with first page of this article. The 
binding may be by Roger Payne. 

The Bible was published in London by Mark Baskett in 1767, and 
contains a large picture of George II., besides being handsomely 
illustrated with biblical scenes. The page of the Bible which Wash- 
ington kissed is also indicated by the leaf being turned down. A 
copper-plate engraving explanatory of the forty-ninth chapter of 
Genesis is on the opposite page. On one of the fly-leaves is the fol- 
lowing description of what was done on April 30, 1789 — written so 
indistinctly that it is almost impossible to photograph it : 



270 SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



On 
Sacred 



A picture 

of 

Stuart's 

Washington. 



This 

Volume, 



On the 30th day of April, A. M. 5789, 
In the City of New York, 
was administered to 
George Washington, 
The first President of the United States of America, 
The Oath, 
To support the Constitution of the United States. 
This important ceremony was 
Performed by the most worshipful Grand Master of Free and Ac- 
cepted Masons, 
Of the State of New York, 
The Honorable 
Robert R. Livingston, 
Chancellor of the State. 
Fame stretched her wings and with her trumpet blew : 
" Great Washington is near — what praise is due ? 

What title shall we have ?" She paused — and said : 
" Not one — his name alone strikes every title dead." 

The moment for which an immense crowd had been impatiently 
waiting had now arrived. The balcony on which the ceremony was to 
take^place was eagerly watched by everybody. Inside, necessary pre- 
liminaries had all been attended to. Vice-President Adams, who had 
taken the oath of office a few days previously, had met Washington 
at the entrance and escorted him to the President's chair. Having 
made the formal introduction, the Vjce-President had turned to Wash- 
ington and gravely addressed him as follows : " Sir, the Senate and 
House of Representatives of the United States are ready to attend 
you to take the oath required by the Constitution, which will be 
administered by the Chancellor of the State of New York." 

The President had replied : • I am ready to proceed;" and so 
they appeared upon the balcony. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

THE INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON, 1789-TAKING THE 
OATH OF OFFICE. 

Windows were filled and house-tops covered with people as far as 
the eye could reach when the Presidential party stepped out. Behind 
George Washington were many of the ablest and most illustrious citi- 
zens the country had then produced. Among the Senators stood 
John Langdon, of New Hampshire, once President of his State and 
long a delegate to the Continental Congress ; Oliver Ellsworth, 'soon 
to become a Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court ; William Paterson, 
ten times Attorney-General of New Jersey ; Richard Henry Lee and 
Richard Bassett and George Reed, men whose names appear alike at 
the foot of the Declaration of Independence and at the foot of the 
Constitution of the United States ; William Johnson, a scholar and a 
judge, and one of the few Americans whose learning had obtained rec- 
ognition abroad ; while conspicuous even in that goodly company 
was the noble brow and thoughtful face of Robert Morris, the finan- 
cier of the Revolution. 

The Representatives as a body were men of lesser note. Yet 
among those who that morning stood about the President were a few 
whose names are as illustrious as any on the roll of the Senate. There 
were James Madison, to whom,with James Wilson, is to be ascribed the 
chief part in framing and defending the Constitution ; and Fisher 
Ames, the finest orator the House ever heard till it listened to Henry 
Clay ; and Elbridge Gerry, the Anti-federalist, who pronounced the 
Constitution dangerous and bad, who would not sign it in convention, 
but who lived to see his worst fears dissipated, and died a Vice-Pres- 
ident of the United States ; and Roger Sherman and George Clymer, 
who with Gerry dated their public service to a time before the Revo- 
lution, and who in defense of that cause had staked *' their lives, their 
fortunes, and their sacred honor," and signed the first grand charter 
of our liberties. 

Chancellor Livingston, dressed in a clerical suit of black, adminis- 
tered the oath in measured tones. As Washington kissed the Bible, 
he closed his eyes and murmured with a depth of emotion, rare even 

271 



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for him, " I swear — so help me God ! " When the last words of the 
oath had been uttered he turned to the people and cried out, " Long 
live George Washington, President of the United States ! " The cry 
was instantly taken up, and with the roar of cannon and the shouts of 
his countrymen ringing in his ears, Washington went back to the 
Senate-Chamber to deliver his speech. There he found the Chamber 
thronged with a vast assemblage of cheering, noisy, enthusiastic citi- 
zens, who grew silent at once at his appearance. He bowed low, and 
in almost tremulous tones, spoke as follows : 

" Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of 
Representatives: — -Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event 
could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the 
notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the four- 
teenth day of the present month. On the one hand I was summoned 
by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration 
and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predi- 
lection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision as the 
asylum of my declining years — a retreat which was rendered every 
day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of 
habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the 
gradual waste committed on it l)y time. On the other hand, the mag- 
nitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country 
called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experi- 
enced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications could 
not but overwhelm with despondence one who inheriting inferior en- 
dowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil admin- 
istration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In 
this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has been my faith- 
ful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every 
circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that 
if, in accepting this task, I have been too much swayed by a remem- 
brance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this 
transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens and have 
thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for 
the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated 
by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by 
my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated. 
Such being the impressions under which I have in obedience to the 
public summons repaired to the present station, it will be peculiarly 
improper to omit in this first official act my fervent sujiplications to 
that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the. 



276 SOUVENIR AND 



councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every 
human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and 
happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted 
by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every 
instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success 
the function allotted to its charge. In tendering this homage to the 
great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it 
expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my 
fellow-citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to 
acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs 
of men more than the people of the United States. Every step by 
which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation 
seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential 
agency. And the important revolution just accomplished in the 
system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and 
voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the 
event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most 
governments have been established, without some return of pious 
gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings 
which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of 
the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to 
be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there 
are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and 
free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article 
establishing the Executive Department, it is made the duty of the 
President to recomm.end to your consideration such measures as he 
shall judge necessary and expedient. The circumstances under which 
I now meet you will acquit me from entering into the subject, further 
than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are 
assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects 
to which your attention is to be given. It will be more than consist- 
ent with these circumstances and far more congenial with the^eelings 
which actuate me, to substitute in place of a recommendation of 
particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, 
and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and 
adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest 
pledges that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, 
no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect a com- 
prehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great 
assemblage of communities and interests; so on another, that 
the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 2 J "J 

immutable principles of private morality, and the pre-eminence of 
free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win 
the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. 
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love 
for my country can inspire. Since there is no truth more thoroughly 
established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature 
an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty 
and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and mag- 
nanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and 
felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious 
smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards 
the eternal rule of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained; 
and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny 
of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, 
perhaps as finally staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of 
the American people. Besides the ordmary objects submitted to 
your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an 
exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the 
•Constitution, is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the 
nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by 
the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of 
undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I 
•would be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I 
shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and 
pursuit of the public good. For I assure myself that whilst you 
carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of a 
united and effective government, or which ought to await the future 
lessons of experience ; a reverence for the characteristic rights of 
freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently influ- 
ence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be 
more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously 
promoted. To the preceding observations I have one to add, which 
will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It 
concerns myself, and will, therefore, be as brief as possible. When 
I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on 
the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I 
contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecu- 
niary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance 
departed. And being still under the impressions which produced it, 
I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal 
emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent 



278 SOUVENIR AND 



provision for the Executive Department, and must accordingly pray 
thai the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may, 
during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures 
as the public good may be thought to require. Having thus imparted 
to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion 
which brings us together, I shall take my present leave, but not with- 
out resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race in 
humble supplication — that since he has been pleased to favor the 
American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tran- 
quillity and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on 
a form of government, for the securit}'- of their union and the advance- 
ment of their happiness, so His divine blessings may be equally 
conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and 
the wise measures on which the success of this Government must 
depend. ' ' 

The inaugural was brief and perhaps more comprehensive than 
some which have succeeded it. That it was more effective goes with- 
out saying. The circumstances all conspired to give solemnity to 
this occasion. 

As soon as the ceremonies were over, President Washington, ac- 
companied by the Vice-President, Chancellor Livingston, members 
of the Cabinet, and other prominent officials, proceeded to St. Paul's 
Chapel, where a special devotional service was conducted by Bishop 
Provoost, a chaplain in Congress. This modest little edifice was 
crowded to the doors. The service was impressive and solemn. 
After it ended, the President was escorted to his mansion. 

The people meanwhile went off to their favorite taverns to drink 
prosperity to Washington and Adams, and wait with impatience for 
the coming night. As the first stars began to shine, bonfires were 
lighted in many of the streets, and eleven candles put up in the win- 
dows of many of the houses. The front of Federal Hall was a blaze 
of light. There was a fine transparency in front of the theatre, and 
another near the Fly Market, and a third on the Bowling Green, near 
the fort. But the crowd was densest and staid the longest before the 
figure-pieces and moving transparencies that appeared in the windows 
of the house of the minister of Spain, and before the rich display of 
lanterns that hung round the doors and windows of the house 
occupied by the minister of France. The night in the city was one 
of enchanting beauty, all the residences being brilliantly illuminated, 
the air filled with pyrotechnic effects and various transparencies, rep- 
resenting Washington amid allegorical infiuences, displayed at differ- 



OFFICIA L PROGRA MME. 



279 



■ent points. The President was taken to the house of Chancellor 
Livingston to view the fireworks, and it was necessary for him to 
return to the Executive Mansion at ten o'clock on foot, because the 
thronged condition of the streets made it an impossibility for a car- 
riage to pass. 

Of the inaugural ceremony, Miss Eliza Quincy, an eye-witness, 
wrote : " I was on the roof of the first house in Broad street, which 
belonged to Captain Prince, the father of one of my school com- 
panions, and so near Washington that I could almost hear him speak. 
The windows and the roofs of the houses were crowded, and in the 
streets the throng was so dense that it seemed as if one might liter- 
ally walk on the heads of the people. The balcony of the hall was 
in full view of this assembled multitude. In the center of it was 
placed a table with a rich covering of red velvet, and upon this, on a 
■crimson velvet cushion, lay a large and elegant Bible. This was all 
.the paraphernana for the august scene. All eyes were fixed upon the 
balcony, where at the appointed hour Washington entered, accom- 
panied by the Chancellor of the State of New York, who was to ad- 
minister the oath, by John Adams, Vice-President, Governor Clinton, 
and many other distinguished men. By the great body of the people 
he had probably never been seen except as a military hero. The first 
in war was now to be the first in peace. His entrance on the balcony 
was announced by universal shouts of joy and welcome. His appear- 
ance was most solemn and dignified. Advancing to the front of the 
balcony, he laid his hand on his heart, bowed several times, and then 
retired to an arm-chair near the table. The populace appeared to 
understand that the scene had overcome him, and were at once hushed 
in profound silence. After a few moments Washington arose and 
came forward. Chancellor Livingston read the oath, according to 
the form prescribed by the Constitution, and Washington repeated it, 
resting his hand upon the table. Mr. Otis, the Secretary of the Sen- 
ate, then took the Bible and raised it to the lips of Washington, who 
stooped and kissed the book. At this moment a signal was given by 
raising a flag upon the cupola of the hall for a general discharge of 
the artillery of the Battery. All the bells in the city rang out a peal 
•of joy, and the assembled multitude sent forth a universal shout. 
The President again bowed to the people, and then retired from a 
:scene such as the proudest monarch never enjoyed." 

Senator Maclay is a witness to Washington's agitation during the 
address. He said : " This great man was agitated and embarrassed 
more than ever he was by the leveled cannon or pointed musket. He 



28o SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

trembled, and several times could scarce make out to read, though it 
must be supposed he had often read it before. He made a flourish 
with his right hand, which left rather an ungainly impression. I sin- 
cerely, for my part, wished all set ceremony in the hands of dancing- 
masters, and that this first of men had read off his address in the 
plain manner, without ever taking his eyes from the paper ; for I feel 
hurt that he was not first in everything." 

Fisher Ames, who also heard Washington's address, wrote : '' It 
was a very touching scene, and quite of the solemn kind. His 
aspect grave, almost to sadness ; his modesty, actually shaking ; his 
voice deep, a little tremulous, and so low as to call for close atten- 
tion — added to the series of objects presented to the mind, and over- 
whelming it, produced emotions of the most affecting kind upon the 
members. 

On the morning after the inauguration the President received calls 
from Vice-President Adams, Governor Clinton, John J<iy, General 
Henry Knox, Ebenezer Hazard, Samuel Osgood, Arthur Lee, the 
French and Spanish ambassadors, '* and a great many other persons- 
of distinction." But Tuesday and Friday afternoons, between the 
hours of two and three o'clock, were appointed by the President for 
receiving formal visits. He discouraged complimentary calls on other 
days, and particularly on Sunday. The ball which it was intended to- 
give on the evening of Inauguration Day was postponed that the 
wife of the President might attend. But when it was learned that 
she would not arrive in New York until the last of May, it was- 
decided to give the ball on the evening of Thursday, May 5. It was. 
a brilliant assembly. Besides the President, Vice-President, 
many members of Congress, the Governor and the foreign ministers,, 
there were present Chancellor Livingston, John Jay, General Knox,. 
Chief- Justice Yates of New York State, James Duane (the mayor),. 
Baron Steuben, General Hamilton, Mrs. Langdon, Mrs. Peter Van 
Brugh Livingston, Mrs. Livingston of Clermont, Mrs. Chanceilor 
Livingston, Mrs. Gerry, Mrs. Thomson, Mrs. Montgomerj'-, Mrs. 
Edgar, Mrs. Beekman, Mrs. Dalton, Mrs. McComb, Mrs. Lynch, the 
Marchioness de Brehan, Lady Stirling and her two daughters, Lady 
Mary Watts and Lady Kitty Duer, Lady Temple, Madame de la For- 
est, Mrs. Knox, Mrs. Houston, Mrs. Griffin, Mrs. Provoost, the 
Misses Livingston and the Misses Bayard. About three hundred 
were present. It is related that the President, who had danced 
repeatedly while Commander-in-Chief, danced in the cotillion and the 
minuet at this ball. "The company retired about two o'clock, after 
having spent a most agreeable evening. Joy, satisfaction and viva- 
city were expressed in every countenance, and every pleasure seemed 
to be heightened by the presence of a Washington.'" 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION IN 1789-CHANGE IN THE 
SURROUNDINGS OF HIS LIFE. 

New York, of a hundred years ago, may be fairly regarded as the 
social centre of the States. 1 nere was a great deal of entertainment, 
much elegant dressing, and some extravagance among the " best peo- 
ple " here. Some idea of the style of costume in vogue among the 
ladies may be gathered from descriptions of a few of the dresses worn 
at the inauguration ball alluded to in the last chapter. 

"One favorite dress was a plain celestial blue satin gown, with a 
white satin petticoat. On the neck was worn a very large Italian 
gauze handkerchief, with border stripes of satin. The head-dress was 
dL poi/f oi gauze, in the form of a globe, the creneaux, or head-piece, of 
which was composed of white satin, having a double wing in large 
plates and trimmed with a wreath of roses. The hair was dressed all 
over in detached curls, four of which, in two ranks, fell on each side of 
the neck and were relieved behind by a floating chignon. Another 
beautiful dress was a perriot made of gray Indian taffeta, with dark 
stripes of the same color, having two collars, one yellow and the other 
white, both trimmed with blue silk fringe. Under the perriot they wore 
a yellow corset or bodice, with large cross stripes of blue. Some of 
the ladies with this dress wore hats a V Espagnole, of white satin. 
This hat, which, with a plume, was a very popular article of head- 
dress, was relieved on the left side by two handsome cockades. On 
the neck was worn a very large gauze handkerchief, the ends of which 
were hid under the bodice, after the manner represented in Trum- 
bull's and Stewart's portraits of Lady Washington." 

In this connection a letter may be quoted written by Miss Sarah 
Robinson to a friend on the day of the inauguration : 

" Great rejoicing in New York on the arrival of General Washing- 
ton ; an elegant barge decorated with an, awning of satin, twelve oars- 
men dressed in white frocks and blue ribbons went down to E. Town 
[Elizabethtown] last fourth day [Wednesday] to bring him up. A 
stage was erected at the Coffee-house wharf, with a carpet for him to 
step on, where a company of Light horse, one of artillery, and most of 

281 



282 SOUVENIR AND 



the inhabitants were waiting to receive him ; they paraded through 
Queen street in great form, while the music of the drums and the 
ringing of the bells were enough to stun one with the noise. Previous 
to his coming, Uncle Walter's house in Cherry street was taken for 
for him, and every room furnished in the most elegant manner. Aunt 
Osgood and Lady Kitty Duer had the whole management of it. I 
went the morning before the General's arrival to take a look at it. 
The best of furniture in every room, and the greatest quantity of 
plate and china I ever saw ; the whole of the first and second stories 
is papered and the floors covered with the richest kind of Turkey and 
Wilton carpets. The house did honour to my aunts and Lady Kitty, 
they spared no pains nor expense on it. Thou must know that Uncle 
Osgood and Duer were appointed to procure a house and furnish it, 
accordingly they pitched on their wives as being likely to do it better. 
I have not yet done, my dear. Is thee not almost tired ? The even- 
ing after His Excellency arrived, there was a general illumination 
took place, except among Friends (Quakers) and those styled Anti- 
Federalist. The latters' windows suffered some, thou may imagine. 
As soon as the General has sworn in, a grand exhibition of fireworks is 
to be displayed, which, it is expected, is to be to-morrow. There is 
scarcely anything talked about now but General Washington and the 
palace." 

An invitation to a ball in New York that year has been lately re- 
published. It is printed upon the back of a playing card, and runs : 
"Mrs. Johnson — At Home — December 12 — An Answer — Quadrilles 
at ten." Soon after the as;sembling of the guests, black waiters ap- 
peared bearing trays with " tea, coffee, hot milk, plum, pound, and 
queen cake, bread and butter, and toast." Next, a fresh relay of 
" spoons and empty plates go jingling round," and " green sweet- 
meats, with preserved ginger" were consumed. Lemonade and wine 
were drunk : then came a course of " peaches, apples, pears, with 
sangaree and wine." At this period gentlemen resorted to the card- 
tables, and certain ladies to the piano, to delight the audience with 
"Ye Shepherds fond," or selections from the Italian operas. Again 
the waiters with " pyramids of red and white ice-cream, with punch 
and liquors, rose, cinnamon, parfait amour." Then was formed the 
first cotillion, at the close of which " dried fruits, almonds, raisins, 
nuts and v/me" were passed. After an interval all too short, "bon- 
bons, mottoes, confitures, sugar-plums" appeared, and — last act of 
this woful tragedy, — which till now, had been what is innocently called 
in the Colorado vernacular a " lap party," — the guests were sum- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



28 




W 
IS 

PQ 

o ^ 



o 

o 

I — ( 



sfflfeJii-^sKi**- 



284 SOUVENIR AND 



moned to "a///// supper of sandwiches, tongues, ham, chickens, and 
pickled oysters." 

The manners and customs of the citizens were still primitive. 
The Dutch language prevailed, and many of the signs seen over busi- 
ness places were in Dutch. Every householder swept the street in 
front of his home twice a week. Oil lamps were used for lighting 
the streets. Coal was unknown. Hickory wood was the chief fuel. 
Early every morning milkmen walked through the streets bearing- 
yokes, similar to those used by farmers in New England to-day, on 
their shoulders, from which dangled tin cans, and crying, " Milk ho !"■ 
Water from the "tea-water pump" was carried about in carts and 
retailed at a penny a gallon. The chimneys were swept by small 
negro boys, who went their rounds at daybreak shouting, " Sweep, ho I 
sweep, ho ! from the bottom to the top without a ladder. Sweep, 
ho!" 

The men wore long Continental coats, with brass buttons and side 
pockets, knee-breeches, low shoes with big buckles, and three-cornered 
hats. Ruffled shirts, lace sleeves, white silk stockings, powdered hair,, 
which was combed back and tied in a queue, were conspicuous fea- 
tures of the men's dress. The correct thing, or full dress of gentle- 
men, however, was composed of cambric ruffled shirts, light-colored 
velvet knee-breeches, silk or satin waistcoats, silk stockings, asd low 
shoes with "brass buckles. Ladies wore low-neck dresses, flowing- 
sleeves, hoops, and high Dutch hats. The ordinary dress of the 
women was, however, more modest. It consisted of a short gown 
and petticoat of any color and material that suited the taste of the 
wearer. 

Wall street presented a brilliant scene every afternoon. Ladies in 
showy costumes and gentlemen in silks, satins, velvets, ruffled shirts 
and powdered periwigs, promenaded up and down the street in front 
of the City Hall, and on Broadway from St. Paul's Chapel to the Bat- 
tery, Broadway was also a popular thoroughfare for dmving, awd 
many stylish turnouts were seen every day rattling up and down the 
street. A liveried footman always rode behind each carriage. Horse- 
back riding was also popular, and gentlemen of prominence in State 
affairs often traveled this way, partly because it gave them exercise 
and because it was fashionable. The social world was in constant 
agitation over the arrival of statesmen and distinguished people from 
different parts of the Union and from Europe. 

Li the absence of Mrs. Washington, the arbiter of the President's 
domestic arrangements was the invaluable Samuel Fraunces, who for- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 285 



sook Other dignities to assume that of steward of the household. On 
May 7, 1789, the " New York Packet" contained an official announce- 
ment from this personage, warning all shopkeepers that to " servants 
and others employed to secure provisions for the household of the 
President of the United States moneys will be furnished for the pur- 
pose," and that no accounts were to be opened with any of them. 
That the first President could not claim entire immunity from the 
minor ills of life we find in his advertisement for a cook and a coach- 
man, which held the columns of the "New York Packet" during at 
least three weeks : 

" A Cook is wanted for the Family of the President of the 
United States. No one need apply who is not perfect in the business, 
and can bring indubitable testimonials of sobriety, honesty, and 
attention to the duties of the station." 

" A Coachman, who can be well recommended for his skill in 
Driving, attention to Horses, and for his honesty, sobriety, and good 
disposition, would likewise find employment in the Family of the 
President of the United States." 

" Fraunces," writes Washington to Lear, after removal to Philadel- 
phia, whither the ex-boniface did not accompany him, "besides 
being an excellent cook, knowing how to provide genteel dinners, and 
giving aid in dressing them, prepared the dessert and made the cake." 
But Fraunces, despite these accomplishments, was not so great an 
economist as the President desired to see him. Goaded by the criti- 
cisms of the Anti-federalists upon his taste for splendor, Washington 
mounted his first establishment in New York upon what seem to us 
very simple lines. No more servants were keut than were absolutely 
required by the family. The old abundant living of Mount Vernon, 
where fish, flesh, and fowl were yielded by Nature at his doors, 
became a thing of the past. The purchase by Fraunces at the Fly 
Market of an early shad for the sum of two dollars was the occasion 
of a stern rebuke from the President, who, on ascertaining the price 
of the dainty, ordered the steward to carry it from his table. Custis 
remembered how, on such occasions, faithful "black Sam," bound by 
every tie of regard to the chief — his daughter Phoebe having, during 
the war, as was believed, saved Washington's life by the exposure of 
a plot to poison him — with swelling heart and tearful eyes used to 
withdraw mto an ante-room declaring that at any cost he would con- 
tinue to keep up the credit of the house by "serving his Excellency's 
table as it ought to be." Judge Wingate's description of Washing- 
ton's dinner of ceremony on the day following Mrs. Washington's 



286 SOUVENIR AND 



arrival in New York sets forth a frugal feast, the chief's own share 
of which was limited to the uninspiring diet of a slice of plain boiled 
mutton. 

Another great ball was given in honor of the President on the 
following Thursday, by Count de Moustier, the French minister, 
at his house in Broadway. The Marchioness was heard to remark 
that she had exhausted every resource to produce an entertainment 
worthy of France. There was a cotillon danced in the military cos- 
tumes of France and America. It is refreshing to read the words of 
Elias Boudinot, when he writes of this ball to his wife : " We retired 
about ten o'clock in the height of jollity." A bit of old brocade, 
worn at this ball by Mrs. Beekman, is still in the possession of her 
^reat-great-granddaughter in this city. 

A list of persons invited by Mrs. John Jay to her entertainments 
during the two years preceding the inauguration, is now preserved by 
Mr. John Jay. This list may be regarded as a sort of Almanach 
de Gotha of the young Republic. Among Mrs. Jay's friends were 
Lady Catherine Duer and Lady Mary Watts, daughter of Lord 
Stirling ; Mrs. Clinton, wife of the governor ; Mrs. Montgomery ; 
Mrs. Rutherfurd ; Mrs. Cortlandt ; Mrs. Kissam ; Lady Christiana 
Griffen ; Miss Van Berckel, the pretty daughter of the Dutch min- 
ister ; Mrs. Ralph Izard ; Mrs. Abigail Adams Smith ; the Rensse- 
laers ; the Livingstons ; Mrs. John Langdon ; Madame de la Forest ; 
Mrs. Rufus King ; Mrs. F^lbridge Gerry ; Mrs. John Kean, born 
Susan Livingston, grandmother of the late Mrs. Hamilton Fish ; Mrs. 
Thomson, wife of the venerable Secretary of Congress ; the admir- 
able Mrs. Alexander Hamilton, and Lady Temple, formerly Miss 
Bowdoin, of Massachusetts. 

Of a fine afternoon President Washington was often seen, with 
the rest of the upper classes, taking his walk upon the Battery, his 
tall commanding form, the secretaries walking a little back of him, 
everywhere recognized by people who stood silently aside, as if to 
give passage to a king. For, despite his efforts towards republican 
simplicity, Washington's Old World ideas of ceremonial fitted him like 
a glove. He could no more brook familiarity than could his asso- 
ciates presume to offer it. Other walks were ni the sequestered region 
now between Astor Place and Ninth street. 

" In those days [writes a correspondent of the " New Mirror," 
styling himself " The Last of the White Cravats"] a young buck put 
on his spencer, hat, and gloves, and, stick in hand, set out from 
Bowling Green after dinner, for a walk as far as old Captain Randall's 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



287 



octagon country-seat, perched on a high hill, with nothing else in 
view (now Broadway and Eighth street), reaching home about the 
time the muffin-man took his basket off his shoulders, and rang his 
bell for tea." This was the same gentleman to whom we are indebted 
for the account of "a party at the Misses White's," those " ladies so 
gay, so fashionable, with such elegant figures, who lived in a yellow 
two-story house next door but one to William street." At this party, 
whither he was accompa tied by " Sir William I'emple and Harry 
Remsen," White Cravat describes his own attire: "A light-blue 
French coat, high collar, large gilt buttons, double-breasted Marseilles 
vest, nankin colored cassimere breeches, shining pumps, large ruffles. 
a ponderous white cravat with a 'pudding' in ft — and I was con- 
sidered the best-dressed gentleman in the room. I remember to 
have walked a minuet with much grace with my friend, Mrs. Ver- 
planck, who was dressed in hoop and petticoats ; and, singularly 
enough, I caught cold that night from drinking hot port-wine negus 
and riding home in a sedan chair with one of the glasses broken." 

The change for General Washington, even to such society as New- 
York afforded, from Mount Vernon, was a marked one. By a glance 
in retrospect at his life in the old homestead, we may get some idea 



JOHN^SIMiNg^^ 




T BAM WAV GARS op every description, 

^: LIGHT,,. ;ELEGANTy;;,iDiJRAB-l-E, 



288 SOUVENIR AND 



of what the change was. A description of the place is taken from 
the privately printed diary of Amariah Frost, of Massachusetts, who 
visited Washington in 1787. "We arrived at the President's seat 
about ten o'clock. The General was out on horseback viewing his 
laborers at harvest ; we were desired to tarry until he should return. 
We had rum punch brought us by a servant. We viewed 
the gardens and walks, which are very elegant, abounding with many 
curiosities. Fig-trees, raisins, limes, oranges, etc., large English mul- 
berries, artichokes, etc. The President returned ; he received us very 
politely. . . His lady also came in and conversed with us very 
familiarly respecting Boston, Cambridge, the officers of the army, etc. 
The son of the Mtirquis de La Fayette also came into the room 
where we sat, which was a large entry, and conversed some. 
The President came and desired us to walk in to dinner. We then 
walked into a room where were Mrs. Law, Mrs. Peters and a young- 
lady, all granddaughters of Mrs. Washington. The President 
directed us where to sit (no grace was said). Mrs. Washington sat 
at the head, the President next to her at her right. . . The dinner 
was very good — a small roasted pigg, boiled leg of lamb, beef, peas, 
lettice, cucumbers, artichokes, etc., puddings, tarts, etc. We were 
desired to call for what drink we chose. He took a glass of wine 
with Mrs. Law first, which example was followed by Dr. Croker and 
Mrs. Washington, myself and Mrs. Peters, Mr. Fayette and the young 
lady, whose name is Custis. When the cloth was taken away the 
President gave ' All our Friends.' He spoke of the improvements 
made in the United States. . . We conversed also respecting his 
return by the way of Lexington across the country ; , . enquired 
if I knew Mr. Taft's family, where he put up that night ; whether the 
old gentleman was alive, and added that he was much pleased with 
the conduct of his daughters, particularly the eldest, which he said 
appeared to have superior sense and knowledge for one educated in 
such a country village at a tavern. She appeared to understand con- 
siderable of geography, etc.; that she was a very sensible and modest 
person. Enquired if she was married. I informed him she was. He 
hoped she was well married. I answered that I believed she was well 
married, and that it was to a person of education who was a clergy- 
man. . . Much more was said, but nothing respecting our present 
politicks." 

Some conception of Washington's ideas on the subject of dress 
may be gathered from a letter of the great man to his nephew, aged 
sixteen years, and still at school. It bears the date of March 23, 
1789, and reads in part as follows : 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 289 

"As it is probable I shall soon be under the necessity of quitting 
this place, and entering once more into the bustle of publick life, in 
conformity to the voice of my country and the earnest entreaties of 
my friends, however contrary it is to my own desires or inclinations, 
I think it incumbent on me, as your uncle and friend, to give you 
some advisory hints, which, if properly attended to, will, I conceive, 
be found very useful to you in regulating your conduct and giving 
you respectability not only at present but through every period of 
life. You have now arrived to that age when you must quit the 
trifling amusements of a boy, and assume the more dignified manners 
of a man. At this crisis your conduct will attract the notice of those 
who are about you ; and as the first impressions are generally the 
most lasting your doings now may make the leading traits of your 
character through life. It is therefore absolutely necessary, if you 
mean to make any figure upon the stage, that you should take the 
first steps right. What these .steps are, and what general line is to be 
pursued to lay the foundation of an honorable and happy progress, is 
the part of age and experience to point out. This I shall do, as far 
as in my power, with the utmost chearfulness ; and I trust that your 
own good sense will shew you the necessity of following it. The 
first and great object with you at present is to acquire, by industry 
and application, such knowledge as your situation enables you to ob- 
tain, and as will be useful to you in life. In doing this two other 
important objects will be gained besides the acquisition of knowledge, 
— namely, a habit of industry, and a disrelish of that profusion of 
money and dissipation of time which are ever attendant upon idleness. 
I do not mean by a close application to your studies that you should 
never enter into those amusements which are suited to your age and 
station. They may go hand in hand with each other and, used in 
their proper seasons, will ever be found to be a mutual assistance to 
each other. But what amusements are to be taken, and when, is the 
great matter to be attended to. Your own judgment, with the advice 
of your real friends who may have an opportunity of a personal inter- 
course with you, can point out the particular manner in which you 
may best spend your moments of relaxation, much better than I can 
at a distance. One thing, however, I would strongly impress upon 
you, viz., that when you have leisure to go into company, that it 
should always be of the best kind that the place you are in will afford. 
By this means you will be constantly improving your manners and 
cultivating your mind while you are relaxmg from your books ; and 
good company will always be found much less expensive than bad. 



290 SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

You cannot offer as an excuse for not using it that you cannot gain ad- 
mission there, or that you have not a proper attention paid you in it. 
This is an apology made only by those whose manners are disgusting 
or whose character is exceptionable ; neither of which, I hope, will 
ever be said of you. I cannot enjoin too strongly upon you a due 
observance of economy and frugality ; as you well know yourself, 
the present state of your property and finances will not admit of any 
unnecessary expense. The article of clothing is now one of the chief 
expenses you will incur ; and in this, I fear, you are not so economi- 
cal as you should be. Decency and cleanliness will always be the 
first object in the dress of a judicious and sensible man. A comfor- 
mity to the prevailing fashion in a certain degree is necessary — but 
it does not follow from thence that a man should always get a new 
coat, or other clothes, upon every trifling change in the mode, when 
perhaps he has two or three very good ones by him. A person who 
is anxious to become a leader of the fashion, or one of the first to 
follow it, will certainly appear in the eyes of judicious men to have 
nothing better than a frequent change of dress to recommend him to 
notice. I should always wish you to appear sufficiently decent to 
entitle you to admission into any company where you may be — but I 
cannot too strongly enjoin it upon you, and your own knowledge 
must convince you of the truth of it, that you should be as little ex- 
pensive in this respect as you properly can. You should always 
keep some clothes to wear to church, or on particular occasions, 
which should not be worne every day. This can be done without any 
additional expense ; for whenever it is necessary to get new clothes, 
those which have been kept for particular occasions will come in as 
every day ones, unless they should be of a superior quality to the 
new. What I have said with respect to clothes will apply, perhaps, 
more pointedly to Lawrence than to you — and as you are much older 
than he is, and more capable of judging of the propriety of what I 
.have here observed, you must pay attention to him, in this respect, 
and see that he does not wear his clothes improperly or extravagantly." 
But Washington was a man who could adapt himself to any cir- 
cumstances, and in New York he conformed to the ideas of New- 
Yorkers. There, as at Mount Vernon, he was the simple, unaffected 
gentleman at all times. The truly great man is rarely anything else. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION 3N 1789— NEW YORK A 
HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 

We have touched on some of the phases of social life hi the 
metropolis of a hundred years ago. Let us now take a look at the 
general aspects of New York at that date in order to trace its devel- 
opment since. 

The city at that time had a population of between twenty and 
twenty-five thousand — a mere speck on the island compared with the 
great metropolis, densely crowded, as it is now, with two million five 
hundred thousand or more people. The limit of the city proper was 
near Chambers Street, or about a mile from the Battery, the lower 
extremity as it exists at the present time. Above Chambers Street 
the country was undulating and hilly, and covered with farms and 
cow-pastures. Scattered from river to river all the way to Harlem 
and Kingsbridge were cottages, houses, and picturesque country seats 
of wealthy citizens. The old "Boston Post Road" ran eastward 
from Madison Square, and thence, in a circuitous route, to Harlem, 
where it terminated. The " Bowery Lane," out of which our present 
Bowery grew, ran, part of the way up town, under the name of the 
" Bloomingdale Road," to Kingsbridge, whence there was a highway 
to Albany. From the " Bloomingdale Road," "Love Lane" (now 
Twenty-first Street) ran westward to the North River. Along Cham- 
bers Street were numerous barracks left practically as they were dur- 
ing the Revolution. But they were remodeled somewhat, and leased 
as dwellings by the corporation of the city, which owned them. 
These barracks were built during the French War, of logs, about one 
story high, with gable roofs. They were inclosed by a wall, with a 
gate at each end. From the eastern end, familiarly known as " Try- 
on's Gate," was derived the name of the present Tryon Row, which 
is opposite the entrance to the great East River Bridge. Broadway, 
above the location of the City Hall Park, was known as St. George 
Country Road, but below that point it always bore its present name. 
On this road, at Canal Street, there was a stone bridge over a canal, 
from which that thoroughfare took its name. At one time a project 
was on foot to enlarge and deepen the canal to enable vessels to pass 

291 



2Q2 SOUVENIR AND 



from river to river, but this was abandoned, and the stream was after- 
ward filled up. This location, which to-day is probably as low as any 
part of the city, was surrounded by marshy lands that bred fever and 
ague among the inhabitants. A fresh-water pond, known as the 
"Collect," sparkled where the dismal Tombs Prison is now standing. 
This pond, in winter, was the popular resort of skaters, whose sport 
on the ice was witnessed daily by hundreds of spectators who gath- 
ered on the slope existing to-day from Broadway to Centre Street. 
Near the junction of Park Row (formerly Chatham Street) and 
Roosevelt street there was a bubbling spring as clear as crystal. The 
celebrated " tea-water pump," that helped to sujply the city with 
pure drinking-water, was also located here. Various wells were found 
in the lower section of the city, but they furnished brackish water 
that was too unwholesome for the table. North of where Chaml^ers 
Street now is, was the Commons, a small uninclosed park, which was 
rendered famous as the scene of political meetings and demonstra- 
tions. On the other side of Chambers Street were the Bridewell and 
Provost jails, the Aims-House, and House of Correction. The 
Bridewell stood at the west end of our City Hall Park, Between it 
and the Aims-House was the public scaffold. The City Hospital was 
in a " five-acre lot," surrounded by a fence on the road near Reade 
Street. This was a three-story brick building with a gable roof and 
a high cupola. 

The thickest settled portion of the city did not extend beyond 
Vesey Street. Upon the northeast corner of this street and Broad- 
way, where the Astor House stands, was a double brick two-story 
house, with a gable roof and dormer windows, while on the opposite 
corner was the ancient St. Paul's Chapel. Hanover Square was con- 
sidered the commercial district. All the large principal stores and 
other business establishments were centered here, but there were 
some private houses and mansions, the homes of merchants, in the 
same neighborhood. 

One of the most conspicuous public buildings was P'raunces' 
Tavern, or " Black Sam's Tavern," so called on account of the 
swarthy complexion of Samuel Fraunces, the proprietor. This was 
rendered famous, at the time and in the history of America, by Wash- 
ington, who occupied it as his headquarters during the Revolution, 
and as the place where, on December 4, 1783, he took final leave of 
his officers and comrades-in-arms. This memorable structure, or 
the lower portion of it, stands intact on the corner of Pearl (then 
Queen Street) and Broad Streets, It is made of Holland brick. A 



OFFICIAL PROGI^AMME. 



293 



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SOUVEXIK AAD OFFICIAL PROGi'iAMME. 



295 



century ago it was a two-story building, with a gable roof and dormer 
windows. Two stories were added to it, but the two lower floors are 
in substantially the same shape as Avhen occupied by Washington. 
There is a weathe^'-beaten sign reading "Washington's Headquar- 
ters" over the main entrance. 

Among the other public houses in New York at the time was one 
near the old "Fly Market," which, in 1822, gave way to Fulton Mar- 
ket ; Smith's Tavern, in the same neighborhood ; the Macomb 
House, that afterward became the Presidential Mansion, on Broad- 
way, near Wall street, and the Bull's Head Hotel in the Bowery 
Lane. The Bull's Head was a two-story, gable-roofed country tavern 
surrounded by cattle-pens. Coffee and tea-houses were numerous and 
popular in various parts of the city. There was one theatre, which was 
in John Street. It was erected during the occupation of the city by 
the British, and was used by the army officers and others for amateur 
theatricals. After his inauguration, Washington and some of the 
public men of the time attended performances at this theater. The 
custom-house was in the Government building erected on the site of 
the old fort, which was located on Bowling Green. The post-office 
was kept in the postmaster's house in William Street. One room, 
twenty-five by thirty-five feet, and containing about one hundred 
boxes, was where the mail was distributed. Sebastian Bauman, the 
first postmaster of the city subsequent to the Revolution, was 
appointed by Washington. This post-office was enlarged to accom- 
modate the demands of the increasing population, but it remained in 
the same place until 1827, when it was removed to Wall Street. At 
the foot of Park Place was the venerable Columbia College. There 
were several churches in the city, and the religious sentiment pre- 
dominated largely in the daily life of its inhabitants. The Reformed 
Dutch Church was the prevailing denomination. The Episcopalian, 
the next oldest denomination, was introduced soon after the cession 
of the city to the English. The ancient Trinity Church belonged to 
this class. It was built in 1696, enlarged in 1737, destroyed by 
fire in 1776, and rebuilt in 1788. 

The Beekman House, lately removed from the corner of Fiftieth 
Street and First Avenue, was "way out in the country." During the 
occupation of New York by the British, Lord Howe selected this 
house for his headquarters, and here the patriot Nathan Hale was 
sentenced to be hanged as a spy. On leaving, the family had hastily 
buried valuable silver and china in the garden, but some of Mrs. 
Beekman's gowns, etc., were left hanging in her wardrobe. These 



296 



SOUVEA'IR AND 



Lord Howe himself locked up, handing the key to a servant who had 
remained. When Mrs. Beekman returned, a few years afterwards, 
she found everything as she had left it, and some of her possessions 
thus preserved have descended to the daughters of her line, together 
with Chelsea and Bow shepherdesses that spent the years of British 
occupation under-ground. Here pretty Mrs. James Beekman served 
President Washington with lemonade made of fruit gathered in his 
presence from her famous lemon-trees. Near the Beekman house, 
sometimes called " The Mount," Hale is said to have hanged upon a 
butternut tree, that marked the fifth mile from Whitehall. The 
house was occupied in 1780 as headquarters by Baron Riedesel, 
whose wife described it as a delightful residence. There Andre 
passed his last night in New York. This old landmark was demol- 
ished about 1874, and its drawing-room mantelpiece, set with blue 
Dutch tiles, may be seen at the rooms of the Historical Society, in 
Second Avenue, New York. The Kennedy house, at No. i Broad- 
way, was built by a captain in the Royal Navy, who married a mem- 
ber of the De Peyster family and became afterwards eleventh Earl of 
Cassilis. The De Peyster house m Pearl Street, a substantial dwell- 
ing built of stuccoed brick, is better known as Washington's head- 
quarters in the Revolutionary War. The Murray house, called Bel- 
mont, on the " Middle Road," now Fifth Avenue and Thirty-seventh 
Street (hence Murray Hill), was screened from view by groves and 
Avenues, and surrounded by famous gardens. At Thirty-fourth 
Street and Second Avenue stood the Kip mansion, near which were the 
country-seats of the Wattses and the Keteltases. Far away in the 
remote country, the English manor-house of Colonel Thorne was 
built, in the present region of Ninth Avenue and Ninety-second 
street. 

Of the old Rutgers house, situated near Fifth Avenue and Thirty- 
ninth Street, we read an amusing story of a wedding-party in 1788. 
One of the guests, a gentleman who was to take a packet sailing for 
Wilmington at daylight, remained at the house till the unprecedented 
hour of II o'clock at night, then, with a servant to show him the way 
through an adjacent huckleberry swamp, set forth to reach his lodg- 
ings ; but losing the path, and the moon going down, he wandered all 
night amid thorns and briers, emerging at dawn with his clothes 
nearly torn off. 

A favorite driveled along Second Avenue, where, over a tell-tale 
little brook that listened and then ran away to l)lab to the East River, 
at our present Fifty-fourth Street, was the Kissing Bridge. At this 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



297 



point the etiquette of Gotham's forefathers exacted of the gentlemen 
driving the " Italian chaise," or sleigh of highest fashion, "a salute 
to the lady who had put herself under his protection ! " The " four- 
teen-mile round," mentioned in the diary of Washington as the extent 
of his " exercise with Mrs. Washington and the children in the coach 
between breakfast and dinner," followed the "Old Boston road" to 
McGowan's Pass. Thence the horses turned into the Bloomingdale 
road, skirting the Hudson, where a friend's house, here and there, 
invited to rest and sangaree. Sometimes Mrs. Washington's coach 
took the easterly direction, to the old Morrisania house, where Col- 
onel and Mrs. Lewis Morris (Miss Elliot, of South Carolina) lived, 
their windows looking upon the boisterous cross-currents of the 
Harlem Kills. 

It is an historic spot. What the hallowed rock at Plymouth is to 
the descendants of the Puritans who stepped from the Mayflower 
onto American soil, the Battery is to the surviving representatives of 
the Knickerbockers, the Van Rensselaers, and the other Dutch found- 
ers of the New Amsterdam, for here it was that the pioneer settlers 



BRUMMELL'S 

World ^ R enowne d t C andie S. 

NOTED FOR THEIR HIQH FLAVOR. 

d'im i&mmlakS, San cSonS, BamimU, ^,, ^. 

WHOLESALE HOUSE: 

408 & 410 Grand Street, 

Retail ( «3i BROADWAY, 

Branch Stores -1 293 SIXTH AVENUE, 
tsrancn btores. 2 WEST FOURTEENTH ST. 



Mail orders filled, promptly. Goods packed in tin Boxes, sent to all 
parts of the country. 



BRUMMELL'S CELEBRATED COUGH DROPS. 



298 SOUVENIR AND 



first touched the soil of Manhattan and made acquaintance with the 
Indians then in possession. The extreme point of the Battery was 
then a small island separated from the mainland, and the intervening 
space was filled up and given the solid appearance it now presents. 
Here the first Dutch settlers erected, in 16 14, four houses and a small 
fort, and in 1689, when the insurrection broke out against the admin- 
istration of Nicholls, the representative of the Duke of York, the fort 
was strengthened by a battery of six guns outside its walls. This 
was the origin of the " Battery," a name which has ever since clung to 
it, and probably will for all time. The Battery of to-day, with its 
twenty-one acres of park land, studded with trees, its verdant lawns 
intersected with serpentine walks, and its fine promenade around the 
substantial sea-wall, is not reverenced by the patriotic New Yorker 
merely as the Plymouth Rock of his fathers, but as a spot associated 
with incidents and indissolubly bound up with the early history of 
this favored land, with the struggles of its people against foreign do- 
minion, and as the "Golden Gate" of the " City of Refuge" for the 
downtrodden and oppressed of the despotic powers of Europe. Here- 
abouts America's first aristocracy built their substantial mansions, and 
ere commerce began to make an advance upon it and its immediate 
surroundings, it was truly a delightful location in which to dwell, for 
from here, as one looked down the shining bay, the view was enchant- 
ing even to the most unpoetical and the indifferent to nature's charms. 
Then the sunsets, as seen from here, were, as they are now, full 
of rare splendor. Professor von Raumer was enraptured with the 
view fromhere, and he likened the Battery to the Piazetta at 
Venice. M. Ampere declared that the sunsets seen from here 
could only be rivalled in the Valley of the Nile ; and Har- 
riet Martineau saw "a sunset which, if seen in England, would 
pursuade the nation that the end of the world was come." To-day, 
bustling as the Battery is with activity, it is deserving of a visit from 
the pleasure-seeker, who will meet with a scene that cannot fail to 
make a lasting impression upon his memory. The rippling waters of 
the Bay, shining with sunbeams, seem to be fairly alive as they dance 
along the surface, while the waterway is crowded with stately steam- 
ers going and coming from foreign shores, drawn by little puffing 
tugs, and with crafts of every conceivable shape and size, from a pon- 
derous man-of-war to a gayly-rigged little sail-boat. In the memora- 
ble struggle for indejx;ndence, the British frigates Rose and Phcenix, 
with their decks protected by sand-bags, ran, in July, 1776, by the 
roaring Battery and up the Hudson, firing broadsides onto the city. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



299 



When the struggle was over, and Great Britain acknowledged the in- 
dependence of that which had been the brightest colonial jewel in her 
crown, it was from the Battery, on November 25, 1783 — a day still 
celebrated as Evacuation Day — that the British soldiers, under the 
command of Sir Guy Carleton, embarked for their own dominions.- 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION IN 1798 — OLD WALL 

STREET. 



The history of Wall Street embaces the history of the United 
States. Within its busy boundaries, where for more than a century 
have resounded the echoes of a nation's industries, have occurred 




events that have left a deep and lasting impression on American 
affairs. In the year 1700 Wall Street was regarded as the central 



BUSINESS FOUNDED 1795. 



BEORGAMZED 1879. 







78 to 86 Trinity Place, New York. 

Engravers and Printers of Bonds, Postage and Revenue Stamps, 
Legal Tender and National Bank Notes of the United States and 
for Foreign (xovernments. 

Engraving and Printing, Bank Notes, Share Certificates, Bonds 
for Governments and Corporations, Drafts, Checks, Bills of Ex- 
change, Stamps, Etc., in the finest and most artistic style, from Steel 
Plates, with Special Safeguards to prevent counterfeiting. 

Special papers manufactured exclusively for nse of the Com- 
pany. Safety Colors. Safety Papers. Work Executed in Fire- 
proof Buildings. Lithographic and Type Printing. Railway Tickets 
of Improved Styles. Show Cards, Labels, Calendars. 

JAMES MACDONOUGH, President. 
AUG. D. SHEPARD, TOURO ROBERTSON, Vice-Presidents. 
THEO. H. FREELAND, Secretary and Treasurer. 
JNO. E. CURRIER, Asst. Secretary. J. K. MYERS, Asst. Treasurer. 



P. C. LOUNSBURY. 
T. H. PORTER. 



JOS. s. stoi:t, 

W. J. ARKELL. J. DORSEY BALD. 

301 



E. 0. CONVERSE. 
J. B. FORD. 



302 



SOUVENIR AND 



portion of the then small, but growing, city of New York. The wild- 
est hopes of the staid old inhabitants of Manhattan Isle in those days 
of " ye olden time " never foreshadowed the city's present greatness 
and prosperity. In the year 1642 an unpretentious but substantial 
structure was erected at the head of Coenties Slip, and christened by 
its Knickerbocker builders the " Stadt Huys." It served for the 
municipal needs of the city until the year 1700, when it became neces- 
sary, in view of the increasing growth of the town, and the exigencies 
growing out of the Revolutionary War, to erect a more commodious 
building. The shrewd old Knickerbockers fondly hoped to make 
their city the seat of the new government that they felt sure would 
evolve from the gallant efforts of Washington and his compatriots in 
their long and discouraging struggle against the domination of Eng- 
land. With this object in view, the Common Council voted to aban- 
don the " Stadt Huys " for larger and more central quarters. The 
sum of ^3,000, or about f 14,000 in American money at that time, 
was apportioned by the Council for the new structure, in addition to 
the ;^93o received from an old merchant, named John Rodman, for 
the old " Stadt Huys." These sums proved sufficient for the con- 
struction of the new edifice, and a site was selected at the head of 
Broad Street, fronting Wall Street, which at that time was occupied 
by the stone bastions or wooden palisade which had been built across 
Manhattan Island for defensive purposes. It was from this ancient 

The long and intimate relations which have existed between the 
public and the house of Brown Brothers & Co., Bankers, 59 Wall 
Street, will be a sufficient reason for the introduction of the following 
brief sketch of that house in a work of this character : 

Mr. Alexander Brown, the father of William, George, John A., 
and James, the original brothers, came to this country from Bally- 
mena, Ireland, and settled in Baltimore in 1798, and in 1809, in con- 
nection with his sons, he founded the firm of Alexander Brown & 
Sons, which still exists in that city. 

In 1813, or thereabouts, his eldest son, William (afterwards Sir 
William Brown), opened the house of William & James Brown & Co., 
in Liverpool, which eventually became the firm of Brown, Shipley & 
Co. The munificence of the late Sir William Brown in the cause of 
education and science, has left an imperishable memory in his gift to 
the city of Liverpool of Brown's Library and Museum. Th£ London 
house of Brown, Shipley cS: Co., was opened in England in 1864. 

Some time after the war of 181 2 John A. Brown, the third son. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



;o3 



palisade that Wall Street derived its name. The new City Hall was 
built in less than twelve months, and, on its completion, was immedi- 
ately occupied by the city government. Contemporary history relates 
that: "So frugal were the members of the Common Council that 
they used the stone of the bastion in constructing their* new hall. Its 
lower floor formed an open arcade over the foot pavement, and the 
front was embellished with the arms of the King and those of the 
Earl of Bell amount. These heraldic ornaments were defaced and 
destroyed, immediately after the close of the Revolution, by formal 
vote of the Common Council. When the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was issued in 1776, the document was read to the people from 
the entrance of this City Hall, and the painted coat of arms that hung 
on the wall of the main room, was brought out and thrown into the 
bon-fire ignited by the citizens in celebration of the event. During 
the Revolution, when the city was held by the British troops, they 
occupied this City Hall as general headquarters, and the main guard 
had its rendezvous there. While in occupation, the handsome library 
was ruthlessly plundered by the soldiers, and it is said that many 
valuable books were used in the manufacture of cartridges. 

" Peace having been declared, this City Hall passed into the pos- 
session of Congress, and became known as the Federal Building. 
Extensive changes were made, which transformed it into a very hand- 



opened a house in Philadelphia, which for a time was under the man- 
agement of James Brown, who in 1826 moved to New York, and es- 
tablished the firm of Brown Brothers & Co., at No 63 Pine Street, 

A curious feature in connection with the opening of the Phila- 
delphia and New York houses is that it was due to the opening of the 
canals between the Chesapeake and New York Bays. When the 
canal from the Delaware to the Chesapeake was completed, the elder 
Brown foresaw the passing of the trade of Virginia and the Carolinas, 
which he had controlled, to Philadelphia and the North, and he then 
predispatched his son John to Philadelphia to establish a house there 
and catch this trade which might pass Baltimore. In like manner, 
when the Delaware and Raritan Canal was opened to New" York the 
same motive impelled him to send James to New York to open a 
house there. 

In 1838 the latter firm moved to No. 59 Wall Street, where they 
have been ever since, with the exception of two years, 1864-5, when 
the present building in Wall Street was in course of erection. 

The firm of Brown Brothers & Co. have their houses in New 



504 SOUVENIR AND 



some and imposing structure. The basement was Tuscan, pierced 
with seven openings, massive pillars in the centre supporting four 
Doric columns and a pediment. The frieze was so divided as to 
admit thirteen stars in metopes. These, with the American eagle and 
other insignia, the tablets over the windows filled with the thirteen 
arrows and the olive-branches united, were considered sufficient to 
mark it as a building designated for national purposes." 



With the establishment of the seat of government in Wall Street, 
that thoroughfare jumped to a place of great importance in the minds 
of the people. Merchants, lawyers, and tradesmen, of all sorts gravi- 
tated to it from different parts of the town, and it quickly became the 
centre of mterest. Magnificent stores lined the street on both sides, 
and every day it was thronged with ladies in showy costumes, and 
gentlemen in silks, satins, and velvets of many colors. Handsome 
private residences at different points along the street contested with 
trade the right of location, and the merriment and gayety of many 
brilliant social events blended harmoniously with the hum and din of 
commerce. Not far from Broad Street, toward the East River, 
resided John Lamb, the first Collector of the Port of New York 
under Washington, and Mr. Guilian Verplanck, one of the first can- 
didates for Mayor of the city under the new system of election by 
popular ballot. 

Here and there, at intervals, were other beautiful residences, occu- 
pied by families whose names are historic in American annals. The 
daily sessions of Congress at the corner of Broad and Wall formed a 

York, Philadelphia, Boston and London, and are represented in Bal- 
timore by the original firm of Alexander Brown &: Sons, and there is 
an agent representing the house at New Orleans. 

The well-known prudent and conservative management of this 
house has carried it successfulTy through all the financial troubles 
which have occurred in this country during the present century, and it 
stands to-day, not only at home but abroad, worthy alike of the asso- 
ciations belonging to the name and of the nation. 

Mr. James M. Brown of this firm, has been an active member of 
the Finance Committee of this celebration, and we venture to predict 
that when the Bi-Centennial takes place (100 years hence), the city 
will have to be under obligations to another representative of Brown 
Brothers & Co. 



OFFICIAL PFOGRAMME. 



505 




io6 



SOUVENIR AND 



pervading topic of interest, as well as a fruitful source of dignified 
gossip. The deliberations of Congress were pregnant with matters of 
vital moment to the young and inexperienced nation, and the minds 
of the people alternated between hope and fear — hope that wisdom 
might prevail in the councils of the law-makers, and fear that rash- 
ness might lead them into some error of judgment which would undo 
the results of their glorious struggle against England. But the helm 
of government was in prudent hands. The discussions which took 
place daily in Congress involved grave questions necessary for the 
preservation of peace with the various nations of Europe. In this 
historic Congress the first ambassador was chosen for Great Britain, 
Here, too, Thomas Jefferson was elected Minister to France, and 
here, too, one chilly day late in the autumn of 1785, Sir John Tem- 
ple, the first consul-general to the United States, from George III., 
was received with great honors and a generous welcome. As time 
passed on. Wall Street gradually took on the character of a strictly 
business thoroughfare, and the exigencies of trade forced many of 
the old residents to other quarters of the city. 

Aaron Burr, ever restless, ever scheming, always ambitious, was 

THE LONDOTASSURANCE CORPORATION; 

Incorporated ty Royal Smarter, k D. 1720. 



jj^^ 



NEW^ YORK 
OFFICE: 



"^^el^^ 




—69— 
W^ALL ST. 



"^^^9^ 



Statement— United States Branch. 

liTooi^vdiE, ises. 

Premiums, - - . . . . $839,562 

Interest, ....-.- 50,825 

Total, $890,387 



-13 



Assets, 1st January, 1889, . , - 

Liabilities, -.....- 

Surplus, 

GEOROK H. TvlARKS, IVTanager. 



$1 -593.044 

686^434 

$906,610 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 307 

the first pioneer in the establishment of Wall Street as a great finan- 
cial centre. He hungered for power and position in the affairs of 
the new nation. He realized that then, as well as now, money was 
an important factor in governmental matters, and conceived a bold 
scheme by which he might attain a commanding position in financial 
affairs. He had viewed Alexander Hamilton's popularity with the 
people and his intimacy with Washington with jealousy, and attrib- 
uted these facts to Hamilton's control of the monetary affairs of the 
country, as Secretary of the Treasury. 

There were at that time only two banks of any importance in the 
country: one a branch of the United States bank, located in Phila- 
delphia, the other, the Bank of the City of New York. Both were, to 
a considerable degree, the creation of Hamilton's financial genius, 
and both were charged by his enemies, instigated by Burr, with being 
influenced in their discounts by political considerations. Burr deter- 
mined to found a bank which should equally accommodate the oppo- 
sition to the Federalists, of whom Washington and Hamilton were 
the acknowledged leaders. But a chronic prejudice in the public 
mind against banks, made Burr's projected enterprise difficult to 

Ixnictertocker Tru5l C^v 

No. 234 5th Ave., cor. 27th St., 

ESTABLISHED FOR UP-TOWN RESIDENTS. 
Authorized Ca.pita.1, ...... $1,000,000 

Paid-up Capital, ...... 500,000 

Surplus, - ■ - - ... - 113,000 

SAFE DEPOSIT DEPARTMENT. 

Boxes to rent at $io per annum and upwards in Piro and Burglar-Proof Vanlt. 

Interest allowed on deposits, also deposits received subject to demand 
check. Designated court and city depository. 
Trust funds, estates, etc., managed on moderate terms, and income promptly collected 
and remitted. Authorized to act as trustee, fiscal or transfer agent of corporations, States, 
and municipalities. 

Special Banking and Coupon Rooms for Ladies. BUSINESS AND PERSONAL 
ACCOUNTS SOLICITED. 

FEEDERICK G. ELDRIDGE, President. CHARLES T. BARNEY, Vice-President 

JOSEPH T. BROWN, Secretary. 

Wm. L. Andrewb, Wm. a. Duer, Gen. Geo. J. Magee. 

Jos. S. AuERBACH, F. G. Eldkidqe, Henrx W. T. Mali, 

Chas. T. Barney, Jacob Hays, Rob t G. Remsen. 

Jas. H. Breslin, a. Foster Hir.oiNs. Andrew H. .Sands. 

I. T. Burden, Harry B. Hollins. John S. Tilney. 

Hon. 1. Davenport. At-fred M. Hoyt, J. M. Watkbbury, 

Henbx F. Dimock. Hon. E. V. Loew, Chas. H. Welling. 



3o8 SOUVENIR AND 



accomplish. Taking advantage, with characteristic cunning, of the 
investigations then being made of the causes of the terrible ravages 
of yellow fever in the city, and of the impression that the brackish 
wells contributed largely to the spread of the pestilence, Burr adroitly 
organized a company for the ostensible purpose of supplying the city 
with pure and wholesome water, but which he cunningly stipulated was 
to use and exercise all the privileges of a bank. By assiduous can- 
vassing among his partisans, who were unfriendly to Hamilton, he 
succeeded in raising the sum of two million dollars, and an organiza- 
tion was formed under the name of the Manhattan Company, which 
was merely a disguise for the Manhattan Bank. The new company, 
or more correctly the new bank, had its headquarters near the head 
of Wall Street, a short distance from Broadway. The intense rival- 
ries, bickering, and quarrels, which finally ended in Hamilton's tragic 
death at the hands of Burr, in the Elysian Felds, near Hoboken, are 
all thought to have had their origin in this bank. Burr, however 
despicable his character may have been, had that rare quality of 
magnetism in a remarkable degree, and attracted many men of great 
financial ability to him, and gradually they settled about him as 
neighbors in Wall Street, engaging in business as brokers and lend- 
ers, until Wall Street began to take on the nature of a monetary cen- 
tre in city and national affairs. Here, in those days of comparatively 
small things, was laid the basis of many great fortunes, which have 
contributed largely in the development of the country. 



From a small beginning, the " Street" grew into a mighty power 
in the affairs of commerce, both at home and abroad. The Stock 
Exchange originated in 1792, when the originators, a little company 
of brainy, progressive men, alive to the possibilities of the future, 
formed the association under a buttonwood-tree in front of what is 
now known as No. 60 Wall Street. This Stock Exchange, so 
inauspiciously begun, has played a mighty part in the history of the 
nation. It is worthy of note, right here, that the Stock Exchange 
during the Civil War, for the purpose of assisting the Government, 
passed a resolution prohibiting members from selling Government 
bonds " short," and also a resolution forbidding all dealings in gold. 
The latter resolution was the principal cause of the formation of the 
Gold Exchange. This action on the part of the Stock Exchange was 
taken at the pecuniary loss of many millions of dollars, the sacrifice 
having been made for the highest and noblest of patriotic purposes; 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



509 




CO 



w 
<5 



3IO SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

yet, in the face of such an historic record as this, which is but one of 
many to the credit of the financiers doing business in Wall Street, 
some people believe that the members of the different Exchanges in 
and about Wall Street never have been anything else but a selfish and 
soulless lot of money-grabbers. This idea has been fostered by 
sensational preachers and editors, whose only ground for their mis- 
representations lies in their benighted imaginations. Wall Street has 
become a necessity as a healthy stimulant to the rest of the business 
of the country. Everything looks to this centre as an index to the 
prosperity of the United States. It moves the money that controls 
the world. Take the Clearing House, for instance, with its fifty 
billions of transactions annually. All but a fraction of this wonder- 
ful wealth, compared with which the stupendous pile of Croesus was 
a mere pittance, passes through Wall Street, continually adding to its 
mighty power, in comparison with which the influence of monarchies 
is weak, but, unlike the riches of these, is not concentrated chiefly in 
itself: it is imparted to all the industries and productive forces of the 
country. Wall Street is a great distributer. It has furnished the 
money that has set in motion the wheels of industry, and brought us 
abreast, in the industrial arts, of countries that had from one to two 
thousand years the start of us. True, there have been serious 
financial disturbances which have had their origin in the " Street," 
but their history will prove that they have been individual in their 
effects rather than national. It is equally true that Wall Street has, 
at various critical periods in the finances of the country, stepped into 
the breach and tided over grave monetary disturbances, whose results 
no one could foretell. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

WASHINGl'DN-S INAUGURATION IN 1789— DEVELOPMENT 
OF THE MODERN NEW YORK. 

Little by little the immense commercial advantages of New York 
Cit3-'s location have made themselves felt in the development of the 
metropolis since 1789. They have been ably supplemented by the 
always catholic and friendly sentiment of the people toward new- 
comers from any part of the world. This was inherited from the old 
Dutch settlers, and distinguished the city from both Boston and 
Pniladelphia. A man of any nationality was welcomed here if he 
chanced to have enterprise and thrift. The same was not true of 
any one of the other great cities of America. - 

The harbor has been pronounced by travellers who have visited all 
parts of the globe to be one of the most beautiful in the world, and to 
have but one successful rival on the Atlantic ocean — the harbor of 
Rio de Janeiro. The harbor of New York consists of two bays, 
known as the Lower New York Bay and New York Bay. The Lower 
Bay opens directly into the ocean, and is formed by Sandy Hook and 
its bar. It is eighteen miles from the city, and may be crossed by 
two deep ship-canals from twenty-one to thirty-two feet deep at ebb 
tide, and from twenty-seven to thirty-nine feet at the flood, thus 
admitting ships of the greatest draft. From this bay the harbor 
proper — New York Bay — is entered by the magnificent gateway of 
the Narrows, formed by the approach of the opposite shores of 
Staten Island and Long Island to within a mile of each other. 
Nature in one of her bountiful moods formed here a gateway through 
which no hostile fleet can pass that is not impregnable to shot and 
shell. On the Long Island side are Fort Lafayette, on a reef of 
rocks 200 yards from the shore, and the far-reaching outworks of 
Fort Hamilton with its hundred guns, many of which are capable of 
throwing shot weighing a thousand pounds against the side of a ship. 
On the western, or Staten Island, shore are Forts Wadsworth (formerly 
called Richmond) and Tompkins, the latter located on the heights, 
and the former on the water's edge. Wadsworth is the second strongest 
fort in the Union, and it can sweep the whole strait with its guns. To 
pass up through the bays to New York City from the ocean a hostile 
fleet would find it no pleasurable picnic. The cannonade of the 
lunette and redoubts on Sandy Hook would be first encountered, next 

3" 



12 SOUVENIR AND 



the missiles of 400 pieces of heavy artillery at the Narrows, and after 
these the pounding of 300 guns on the forts of the inner harbor, to 
say nothing of the firing of the American fleet and the explosion of 
torpedoes that would line the narrow channel. New York Bay is from 
one and a half to live and a half miles broad, — averaging three miles, 
— eight miles long, and about twenty-five miles in periphery, forming 
a basin of capacity sufficient to receive the navies of the world. This 
bay communicates with Newark Bay through the river Kill-von-Kull 
on the west, separating Staten Island and Bergen Point. From the 
inner harbor also stretch the Hudson and East Rivers. The inner 
defences of the harbor consist of batteries on Bedloe's and Ellis 
Islands, on the west side of the bay ; and on Governor's Island, 
3,200 feet from the city, are Fort Columbus, in the form of a star, 
commanding the south side of the channel ; on the southwest point. 
Castle William, a round tower 600 feet in circuit and sixty feet high ; 
and on the southwest side. South Battery, commanding the entrance 
through Buttermilk Channel. The entrance from the Sound to the 
East River is defended by Fort Schuyler on Throgg's Neck. Besides 
the defences mentioned, the whole of the surrounding heights of the 
bay could, in the case of war, be readily fortified, and Castle Garden 
and the Battery Esplanade would furnish ready-made sites for ati 
extensive armament. No port in the world could be more easily 
placed in a condition of defence. The width of the North, or Hud- 
son, River is cwie mile to Jersey City at the ferry, and one and a half 
miles to Hoboken. The width of the East River is from one-third to 
half a m-ile. At the South Ferry it is 1,300 yards, at Fulton Ferry 
731 yards, and at Catharine Ferry 736 yards. Both the inner and 
outer harbors present enchanting views. The outer one is bounded 
with charming effect by the high wood-clad hills of Neversink, the 
popular beach resorts of the north New Jersey coast, and the summer 
cities on Coney Island. The inner harbor is rich in varied scenery, 
and, besides all the natural beauty of the location, there cannot be a 
finer spectacle than is presented in the great city spread before it, 
with its piers crowded with a forest of masts bearing the flags of all 
nations. 

Two features attract the attention of the foreigner as he enters 
New York Harbor — the Statue of Liberty Enlightening the World, and 
the Brooklyn Bridge. The former stands on Bedloe's Island. It is 
the creation of M. Bartholdi, and is the gift of the French people to 
America. The cost was $250,000, and the gift was received on Bed- 
loe's Island in June, 1885. Through the efforts of the New York 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 313 

" World" over $100,000 were raised by subscription to provide the 
pedestal and to erect the statue thereon. The following are the di- 
mensions of the great work : 

Ft. In. 

Height from base to torch 151 i 

Foundation of pedestal to torch 305 6 

Heel to top of head in 6 

Length of hand 16 5 

Index-finger, . . . , 8 o 

Circumference at second joint 7 6 

Size of finger-nail 13x10 in. 

Head from chin to cranium 17 3 

Head thickness from ear to ear 10 o 

Distance across the eye 2 6 

Length of nose 4 6 

Right arm, length 42 o 

Right arm, greatest thickness 12 o 

Thickness of waist 35 o 

Width of mouth 3 o 

Tablet, length 23 7 

Tablet, width 13 7 

Tablet, thickness 2 o 

DIMENSIONS OF THE PEDESTAL. 

Height of pedestal 89 o 

Square sides at base, each .... 62 o 

Square sides at top, each 40 o 

Grecian columns above base 72 8 

DIMENSIONS OF THE FOUNDATIONS. 

Height of foundation 65 o 

Square sides at bottom 91 o 

Square sides at top 66 7 

The statue weighs 450,000 pounds, or 225 tons. The bronze 
alone weighs 200,000 pounds. Forty persons can stand comfortably 
in the head, and the torch will hold twelve people. The total number 
of steps in the winding stairway which leads from the base of the 
foundation to the top of the torch is 403. From the ground to the 
top of the pedestal there are 195 steps. The number of steps in the 
statue, from the pedestal to the head, is 154, and the ladder leading 
up through the extended right arm to the torch has fifty-four rounds. 
The electric light in the inside of the torch lamp aggregates 50,000 
candle-power, and at the base of the statue 30,000 candle-power, being 
80,000 candle-power in all. The entire electrical plant is the gift of 
President Goff, of the American System. The entire cost of the 
work from beginning to end is estimated at $700,000. The Statue of 
Liberty is the tallest statue in the world. 



14 SOUVENIR AND 



Brooklyn Bridge is the greatest work in bridge-building the world 
has ever seen. The construction began in 187 1, and the bridge was 
opened May 24, 1883, the total cost of the erection having been 
$15,000,000. The work was conceived by John A. Roebling, and it 
was built from his plans. In the progress of the work he had his foot 
crushed, lockjaw supervened, and he died. He was succeeded by his 
son, Colonel Washington A. Roebling, who, in the caissons, con- 
tracted a mysterious disease that had proved fatal to several workmen, 
and he was rendered a hopeless invalid. The bridge unites the cities 
of New York and Brooklyn. Its length is 5,989 feet, and its width 
eighty-nine feet. It is suspended from two massive piers, 287 feet 
high, by four steel-wire cables, each sixteen inches in diameter. In 
the centre of the bridge is an elevated promenade, on each side of 
which is a railroad-track for passenger-cars, propelled by a stationary 
engine. Outside of the railroad track, on each side, are the road- 
ways for vehicles. From the under side of the bridge, in the centre, 
to the water, is 135 feet. The piers rest on caissons of yellow pine, 
iron and concrete, sunk in the bed of the river. There is wire 
enough used in the cables to stretch nearly two-thirds of the way 
around the world. Foot-passengers are charged one cent and rail- 
road passengers three cents each. Last year the bridge was crossed 
by 27,436,707 persons, of whom 2,965,400 walked. The receipts 
were $755,690, the railroad taking in $673,580, the carriage-way 
$64,518, and the promenade $17,592. 

The import and export trade of New York is larger— very much 
larger — than that of any other city in the world. In the fiscal year 
which included parts of 1879 ^^^ ^8^° ^'^^ foreign commerce was over 
$925,000,000. Liverpool is the only city in the universe which 
approximates these stupendous figures, yet the foreign commerce of 
that port during the year 1879 amounted to but $803,000,000, or 
$122,000,000 less than that of New York. There can be no ques- 
tion that New York is the pride of every community in the Republic. 
It is the Mecca to which all Americans wend as opportunities serve, 
where men of wealth and women of fashion congregate, and 
where inducements are offered to the diligent and thrifty of other 
lands to come and share in the free institutions and in the develop- 
ment of the resources of the Great Republic of the West. In this 
city are 100,000 buildings, 70,000 of which are located between 
Fifty-ninth Street and the Battery. Of these buildings 25,000 
are used for business purposes and 77,000 for dwelhngs, and 
140 are fire-proof. Not only in shipping but in manufactures New 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



315 



York takes the lead, and Philadelphia occupies the second position 
in this respect. It appears from the census of 1880 that the value of 
articles manufactured in the city during the year was $472,926,437. 
There are 11,000 factories, one-fourth of which are engaged in making 
clothing, cigars, furniture, and in printing. Clothing establishments to 
the number of 950 produce annually clothing worth $78,000,000 ; 540 
printing and publishing houses turn out yearly $24,000,000 worth of 
goods; 761 factories produce cigars worth $18,000,000; and ^00 
factories make $10,000,000 worth of furniture. The city is eminently 
a cosmopolitan one, and its population includes the people of every 
clime, color, and tongue. According to the census of 1880 there 
were then in the city 1,206,299 inhabitants, of whom 727,629 were 
American-born, and 478,670 of foreign birth. Of these 198,595 
were from Ireland, 29,767 from England, 8,683 from Scotland, and 
929 from Wales. Natives of Germany numbered 153,482 ; Italy, 
12,233 ; France, 9,910; Russia, 4,551; Spain, 669. There were 
17,937 New-Jersey-born New Yorkers ; 11,055 from Pennsylvania; 
10,589 from Massachusetts ; and Chinese in strong force. 

On the water-front of the Battery is Castle Garden, a quaint-look- 
ing old building, which for years has been the chief gateway through 
which mtllions of self-exiled Europeans have made their entrance 
into the New World, and become acquainted with the metropolis of 
the Great Republic of the earth. Castle Garden is a circular brick 
structure, with a history of its own. It was originally erected under 
the title of Castle Clinton, as a fortress, in 1807, by the National 
Government, who gave it to the city in 1823 ; subsequently it was 
converted into a summer-garden and opera-house ; hence its name 
Castle Garden. It has often been the scene of great civic "pomp and 
circumstance ; " within its walls warriors and statesmen, now historic 
personages, were wont to be banqueted and have their glories fulmin- 
ated ; and within its gray interior the celebrated songsters of a past 
age discoursed sweet melody to the lovers of music. Here a great 
ball was held in 1824, in honor of the Marquis Lafayette ; here in 
1832 President Andrew Jackson, and in 1843 was given popular re- 
ceptions. It was made an emigrant depot in 1855. 

Just east of the P>attery is Whitehall, the terminus of numerous 
car lines, and the location of the Staten Island, South and Hamilton 
ferries. There, too, is the depot of the elevated railways, which ex- 
tend in four lines, two on the eastern side and two on the western, the 
entire length of the city — of which more anon. Whitehall Street was 
the Winckel Straat (shop street) of the Dutch settlers, and it derived 



3l6 SOUVENIR AND 



its present name from a fifteen-gun battery which was erected at its 
foot in 1695. The great fire of 1776, which destroyed the greater 
part of New York, began near Whitehall Slip, and swept over the city 
on a strong south wind, while the angry British garrison bayoneted 
many of the citizens, and threw others, screeching, into the sea of 
flame. The Produce Exchange, an imposing building, is at the upper 
end of Whitehall street. 

At the junction of Whitehall Street and Broadway, just beyond the 
Battery, is the Bowling Green, near which was the site of Fort Am- 
sterdam, where the Dutch Governor dwelt, nearly two hundred and 
fifty years ago, and had under his control three hundred valiant sol- 
diers from Holland. Here, too, was built the first colonial church. 
Bowling Green is a pretty, old-fashioned square, with a little oval 
park, filled with shade-trees, and containing in its centre a tired, 
weary-looking fountain. Surrounded, as Bowling Green now is, by 
ocean steamship offices, foreign consulates, etc., the spot is rich in 
historic associations. It was the principal aristocratic quarter of the 
city in its early days. On the site now occupied by Mr. Cyrus W. 
Field's Washington Building, No. i Broadway, Archibald Kennedy, 
the collector of the port, built in 1760, a large house, which succes- 
sively became the headquarters of Lords Cornwallis and Howe, Gen- 
eral Sir Henry Clinton, and General Washington, while Talleyrand made 
it his home during his stay in America. Benedict Arnold concocted 
his treasonable projects at No. 5 Broadway ; and at No. 11, on the 
site of the Burgomaster Kruger's Dutch tavern, was General Gage's 
headquarters, in the old King's Arms Inn. But few of the old build- 
ings facing on the Green, and which belonged to and were occupied 
by a past generation, now remain, but have given place to modern 
and more pretentious structures. The Green was a treaty-ground 
with the Indian, the parade for the Dutch soldiers, and it was also a 
cattle-market. It was fenced in, in 1770, and the iron posts of the 
fence were once surmounted by balls, which in the time of the Revo- 
lution were knocked off and used by the American artillery in their 
cannon. On the Green once stood an equestrian statue of George 
III., and in July, 1776, the people, while celebrating the Declaration 
of Independence, deliberately walked down in crowds to the Green, 
and there knocked over the statue of His Majesty. Subsequently it 
was melted, and it furnished material for forty-two thousand bullets, 
which were fired at the soldiers of Britain. South of the square, and 
on the site now occupied by six old-fashioned brick buildings, the 
first governor of the New Netherlands, Peter Minuit, who had bought 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



17 



the Island of Manhattan from the Indians for twenty-four dollars, 
built Fort Amsterdam, a block house, surrounded by a cedar palisade. 
Seven years later, the fort was enlarged by Wouter Van Twiller, and 
he garrisoned it with one hundred and four soldiers ; and still later 
the English took possession of it. The Bowling Green Block now 
occupying the site, and which was built in 1815, was preceded by a 
stately Ionic porticoed mansion, erected in 1790, for the presidential 
palace, and which became the official residence of Governor George 
Clinton and John Jay. At No. 39 Broadway the first European 
dwelling on Manhattan Island was erected in 161 2, by Hendrick 
Christiansen, the agentof the Dutch fur-trading company, who raised 
here four small houses and a redoubt, the foundation of the present 
metropolis. An Indian killed him, and thus perpetrated the first 
murder recorded in the annals of New York. A very fine view of 
Bowling Green and Lower Broadway is given in these pages. 

Broadway has its beginning at Battery Park and its ending at 
Central Park and Fifty-ninth Street. Its course is almost due south 
and north for a little less than four miles. On account of its central- 
ity and directness it is touched by nearly every moving inhabitant of 
the city in his daily walks. If he is going from north to south, or 
vice versa, he prefers it to the other avenues, because it is straight, 
and its pavement is good; and if he is going from any quarter east 
to any quarter west, he must intersect it at some point in gaining his 
destination. The country visitor, coming from the New Jersey or 
Long Island ferries, feels secure when he reaches Broadway, and 
while he keeps to it he cannot go very far astray, no matter what his 
destination is. It is not only a channel of commercial traffic, but a 
favorite promenade of the idler and pleasure-seeker, and though the 
acquaintances of a man may be few, a walk up or down Broadway is 
sure to bring him in contact with somebody he knows. 

This great thoroughfare, is, from its effluence, straight for nearly 
two miles, when, near Tenth Street, it turns slightly to the northwest, 
the sky-pointing gray spire of Grace Church marking the turning-point. 
At Fourteenth Street Broadway makes another deviation to the west, 
runs along one side of Union Square, and thence makes a straight 
course to its terminus at Central Park, crossing diagonally on the way, 
at Twenty-third Street, Fifth Avenue, and also touching the southwest 
corner of Madison Square, not so very long since the most genteel 
locality in New York, but now, like Union Square, and more "down- 
town" localities, becoming occupied by hotels and business houses. 

The variety of architecture to be met with in every part of Broad- 



3l8 SOUVENIR AND 



way is extraordinary. Every material has been useo m every style — 
brick, iron, glass, marble, granite, brown stone, yellow stone, wood, 
and stucco. Never was there such heterogeneous architecture as is 
here displayed, where the Gothic and the Greek, the Renaissance and 
Romanesque, are crov/ded side by side, but all in a manner harmon- 
ized by the distortions which the city architects of our country are 
compelled to devise that they may secure the three prime essentials 
in a modern building— light, air, and space. The modern structures 
are fine, imposing buildings, containing many floors. In the building 
of these iron is largely used, and long colonnaded facades, simulating 
marble or brown stone, are composed of iron castings, riveted to- 
gether. Here and there are to be found small, modest dwellings of 
an early periotl, with old-fashioned dormer windows projecting from 
the upper stories, and modern plate-glass show-windows inserted in 
the lower story; but these grow fewer in number year by year, and 
more stately buildings supplant them. The cornice lines of Broad- 
way are as much serrated as it is possible to imagine, and the effect 
is not at all satisfactory to an artistic eye. Sign-boards hang out in 
profusion, and flag-staffs rise from nearly every building. On a gala 
day, when all the patriotic bunting is unfolded, the view is more 
brilliant and ragged than ever. The colossal hotels on the great 
thoroughfare rival in luxury and comfort the most noted hostelries of 
London or Paris; the banks and insurance buildings, of marble, 
granite, and iron, are representative of the ancient and modern archi- 
tecture of Europe, as well as of the ''pure and unadulterated" 
American architecture; and the magnificent shops and warehouses 
have their fronts relieved by wide expanses of glass. All these follow 
each other in bewildering succession, many so high as to tire the 
neck of the pedestrian, who is interested in inspecting their facades 
from eaves to floor. 

Fulton Street stretches from river to river. On the corner of 
Broadway and Fulton Street is the imposing ten-story " Evening 
Post " Building ; and located at the foot of Fulton Street, in which 
can be seen more well-dressed men and women than in any thor- 
oughfare off Broadway in down-town New York, is Fulton Market, 
built upon the site formerly occupied by a large number of dilapi- 
dated old wooden shanties. Fulton Market is one of the objects to 
which strangers are always desirous of paying visits, and it has two 
specialties — fish, which are sold on the northern or Beekman side of 
the building, and oysters, which are served in all styles on the south- 
ern and eastern sides. Two squares above Fulton Ferry, Fulton 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 319 

Street, in the early part of this century, contained one of the most 
aristocratic and exclusive hostelries in the city. This was the United 
States Hotel, a portion of which, on the construction of the elevated 
railway across the street, was transformed into a railway station, the 
street space not admitting of the erection of a depot. Running from 
Fulton Market to Park Row is Beekman Street, crowded with exten- 
sive wholesale paper warehouses ; and northward of Fulton Street, 
and extending from City Hall Park to the East River, is the district 
known as "The Swamp," the centre of the hide and leather trade of 
the metropolis. This appellation was acquired on account of the 
low situation of the land, which was formerly flooded at high tides. 
The thoroughfares in this region are narrow and short, and the air 
is redolent of salted hides and fresh sole-leather, mixed with the 
more aromatic smell of kid, morocco, and calf-skin, in which com- 
modities a large trade is carried on. The approaches of the East 
River or Brooklyn Bridge (described elsewhere), skirt the Swamp on 
the north, and a wide thoroughfare, which has replaced the narrow 
Frankfort Street, runs parallel with these approaches. 

In Vesey Street is the Mechanics and Traders' Exchange, and 
this thoroughfare, at the foot of which is Washington Market, is the 
habitat of butchers, fish dealers, hardware merchants, dealers in new 
and old clothes, and sidewalk merchants trading in anything and 
everything from blacking and rusty razors to broken crockery and 
fine-art goods. At the head of the street is St. Paul's Episcopal 
Church, a silent spectator of the struggling mass of humanity, 
vehicles, and horses below. St. Paul's, where Washington per- 
formed his religious devotions, was built as a chapel-of-ease to 
Trinity Church in 1764-66. The interior is quaint and old-fash- 
ioned in its fixtures and arrangements. At mid-aisle, on the Vesey 
Street side, the site of the pew of Washington is marked with his 
initials. The organ was brought from England long years ago. Dr. 
Auchmuty used to read prayers for the king, in the chancel, until the 
drummers of the American garrison beat him down with the long roll 
in the centre aisle. Among those buried in St. Paul's churchyard 
were Emmet and MacNeven, Irish patriots of '98 ; Gen. Richard 
Montgomery, the brave Irish- American, who was killed in storming 
Quebec ; John Dixey, R.A., an Irish sculptor ; Capt. Baron de Rahe- 
nan, of one of the old Hessian regiments ; Col. the Sieur de Roche- 
fontaine, of our Revolutionary army ; John Lucas and Job Sumner, 
majors in the Georgia Line and Massachusetts Line ; and Lieut.- 
Col Beverly Robinson, the Loyalist, and other notabilities. 



320 SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

The Post-Office and United States Court Building is the most 
imposing of the public edifices in New York. The only materials 
used in its construction are iron, granite, brick, and glass. The 
granite was brought from Dix Island, Maine. It is a triangular 
building, in the Doric style of architecture, modified by the Renais- 
sance. The north front of the building is 290 feet in length, the 
Broadway front 340 feet, and the Park Row front 320 feet in the 
clear. On each of these two fronts, however, there is an angle 
which, running back some distance, forms the entrance, looking 
down Broadway. The entire width of this front is 130 feet. These 
entering angles and projecting porticos give this front a very bold 
and striking appearance. The basement is devoted to sorting and 
making up the mail. The first floor is used as the receiving depart- 
ment, comprising the money order and registry office, stamp and 
envelope bureau, etc. On the second and third floors are the United 
States Court rooms, and the attic furnishes rooms for the janitor, 
watchman, etc. The building was finished and occupied in Septem- 
ber, 1875, the cost of erection being nearly $7,000,000. Over 600,- 
000,000 letters, newspapers, etc., annually pass through the office. 
The ofiice yields a profit, annually, of nearly $3,000,000, and is the 
largest in the United States. 

Adjoining the Post-Ofiice are the City Hall Park, City Hall, 
Court-House, and other public buildings, an illustration of which we 
give herewith. The Park, which is bounded by Broadway, the Post- 
Offiice, Park Row, and Chambers Street, covers an area of eight 
acres. Before the Revolution this was an open field in the country, 
and was called the Vlachte, or Flats, by the ancient Dutch pioneers. 
It stood apart as commons, upon which the powder-house and poor- 
house were built. Great crowds used to assemble here to celebrate 
the king's birthday and other festivals. In 1776 the American army 
was drawn up on the Flats, in hollow squares of brigades, at even- 
ing, on July 9th, while the Declaration of Independence was read 
aloud by clear-voiced aides. A few months later, barracks were 
erected here for victorious British troops ; and in 1861 other bar- 
racks, on the same site, sheltered the volunteer regiments ready to 
take part in the civil war. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION IN 1789— UPTOWN NEW 
YORK AT THE PRESENT DAY. 

From Twenty-third street up to Fifty-ninth, the progress of devel- 
opment from a residence to a trade section is still going on. At 
Forty-second street the Grand Central Depot is the point at which all 
the railroads running north and east, with one of the great trunk line 
systems to the west, converge. It is a building worthy of the cor- 
porate development which is so distinctive a feature of American 
life. 

Central Park, a magnificent oasis in the desert of noise and bustle 
characteristic of New York, extends from Fifty-ninth street to One 
Hundred and Tenth street. Its length ic two and a half miles, and 
its breadth (from Fifth avenue to Eighth avenue) is half a mile. $15,- 
000,000 has been spent in beautifying the 862 acres included in the 
park. More than 500,000 trees and shrubs have been planted there. 

The American Museum of Natural History is on Manhattan 
Square, a kind of annex to the park, between Seventy-seventh and 
Eighty-first streets, and Eighth and Ninth avenues. The Museum 
was founded in 1869. The corner-stone of the building now occupied 
was laid by President Grant in 1874, and the Museum was opened in 
1877 by President Hayes. It is a Gothic building of brick and 
granite, with several large and admirably arranged halls. Here are 
found the Powell collection of British Columbian objects, the Robert 
Bell collection from Hudson's Bay, the De Morgan collection of 
stone-age implements from the valley of the Somme, the Jesup col- 
lection of North American woods and building-stones, the James 
Hall collection in paleontology and geology, the Gay collection of 
shells, the Bailey collection of birds' nests and eggs, mounted mam- 
malia, Indian dresses and weapons. Pacific Islanders' implements and 
weapons, 10,000 mounted birds, the Major Jones collection of Indian 
and mound-builders' antiquities from Georgia, the Porto Rico antiq- 
uities; mammoth,twenty-five feet high; several specimens of the extinct 
Australian bird, the moa, fifteen feet high ; reptiles, fishes, corals, 

321 



2 2 SOUVENIR AND 



minerals, etc. The collection is one of the largest and finest in the 
country. The library contains 12,000 scientific works. Many lec- 
tures are given here yearly for the teachers in the public schools, who 
come here to study these vast and interesting collections. New 
buildings are about to be added by the State. The museum is open 
free on Wednesdays, Thursdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. It is 
reached by the Sixth avenue Elevated Railroad to the Eighty-first 
street station, or by the Eighth avenue horse-cars. 

One of the greatest attractions of the park is the Metropolitan 
Museum of Art, which is situated on the Fifth avenue side, opposite 
Eighty-third street. The portion erected, which is only one of a pro- 
jected series of buildings, is 218 feet long and 95 broad, and is a 
handsome structure of red brick, with sandstone trimmings, in the 
Gothic style. The most important feature of this museum is the 
Di Cesnola collection of ancient art objects, exhumed in Cyprus, re- 
garded by archaeologists as the most remarkable of its kind in the 
world. There are also a number of loan collections of pottery, paint- 
ings, sculpture, arms, wood-carvings, etc., which amply reward the 
curiosity of the visitor. The picture-gallery of the museum, which 
stands within a few feet of the East Drive, contains some of the best 
samples of the old Dutch, Flemish, and Spanish masters to be found 
in America. 

Standing on a knoll in the grounds adjoining the Metropolitan 
Museum — and on one of the most commanding situations in the park 
— is the Obelisk, which is about 1,500 years older than the companion 
obelisk on the Thames Embankment in London, and known as 
Cleopatra's Needle. The obelisk in Central Park was erected in the 
Temple of On, in Egypt, about 3,500 years ago, by Thotmes III., 
King of Egypt, and conqueror of Central Africa, Palestine, and 
Mesopotamia, with hieroglyphics illustrating his campaigns and titles, 
and those of his descendant, Rameses II. For many centuries it 
stood before the Temple of the Sun, at Heliopolis, and was removed 
during the reign of Tiberins to Alexandria, where it remained until 
1877, when the Khedive, Ismail Pasha, presented it to the City of 
New York. It was skillfully transported hither by Lieut.-Com. Gor- 
ringe, U. S. N. The entire cost of its transportation and setting-up 
was borne by the late William H. Vanderbilt. It is of granite, 70 
feet long, and weighs 200 tons. This noble monument was made be- 
fore the siege of Troy, or the foundation of Rome, and while the 
Israelites were enslaved in Egypt. 

On the other side of the park is the Lenox Library, a building of 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



Lockport limestone, in modern French architecture. The building 
occupies an area of 192 by 114 feet. It was a gift to the public by 
the late James Lenox, who was an indefatigable collector of literary 
and art treasures. Mr. Lenox built and equipped the library at a 
cost of $1,000,000. There has been much red-tapeism to go through 
before a person could get a look into the building, so that it was 
practically closed to the public. This has lately been changed, and 
the library made free and accessible. The building has two wings. 
In the south wing is the library, containing precious incunabiihe, a 
perfect Mazarin Bible, printed by Gutenberg and Faust in 1450, and 
the oldest of printed books ; Latin Bibles printed at Mayence in 1462 
(by Faust and Schoffer), and at Nuremberg in 1477 (with many notes 
in Melancthon's handwriting); seven fine Caxtons ; block-books ; five 
of Eliot's Indian Bibles ; "The Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye" 
(Bruges, 1474), the first book printed in English ; the Bay Psalm 
Book (Cambridge, 1640), the first book printed in the LInited States, 
etc. There are also many rare MSS. on vellum, illuminated, dating 
from before the invention of printing. These objects are exhibited 
and entertainingly explained by the librarian, the venerable Dr. S. 
Austin Allibone, author of the Dictionary of Authors. The picture- 
gallery is in the central part of the second story, and contains about 
150 canvases by artists, principally modern, but including many 
noted names. 

Among other parks may be noted Tompkins Square, covering 
ten acres of lawn and greenery, between East Seventh and Tenth 
Streets, and Avenues A and B, and surrounded by one of the most 
overcrowded tenement regions of the East side, one of the most 
appreciated breathing-places in the city ; and Mount Morris Square, 
which encloses a bold rocky hill in the environs of Harlem, and is 
well stocked with oaks, maples, tulip trees, etc., and near the fire- 
alarm tower, on the crest of the hill, has a fine plaza, from which 
vantage-ground a charming view is obtained. A pleasant open space, 
between Fortieth and Forty-second Streets, and Sixth Avenue and 
the Reservoir, is Bryant Park, which received its present name in 
1884 in honor of the late William'Cullen Bryant. It is a favorite 
resort for West-side juveniles. The world-renowned Crystal Palace 
of ante-bellum days occupied this site. Another of the popular 
minor parks is the Morningside Park, near Tenth Avenue, and ex- 
tending from One Hundred and Tenth Street to One Hundred and 
Twenty-third Street. This is 47 acres in extent, and is mostly unim- 
proved, though it contains a costly and far-viewing driveway. It 



124 SOUVENIR AND 



lies on the east or morning side of the ridge which separates Harlem 
Plains from the Hudson River and Riverside Park. Riverside Park 
is a charming place for a ramble or drive. The park is a narrow 
strip of land, occupying the high bank of the Hudson, and between 
the Hudson and Riverside Avenue. It extends from Seventy-second 
to One Hundred and Thirtieth Streets, is three miles long, and aver- 
ages 500 feet wide. The area is about 178 acres, only a portion of 
which has been laid out in walks and drives, while the rest still 
retains the wild picturesqueness of nature. A magnificent driveway, 
cut into four broad sections by curving ribbons of lawns and trees, 
sweeps over the hills and along the edge of the bluff, affording very 
charming views of the Hudson River, Weehawken, Guttenberg, Edge- 
water, the Palisades, and upper Manhattan. On a noble elevation 
near the north end of the park is the brick tomb in which Gen. 
Grant's body was temporarily laid, with imposing ceremonies, August 
8, 1885. Through the latticed door can be seen the fiower-laden 
receptacle in which the remains of the great hero are placed. Near 
the tomb is the old Claremont mansion, named after Lord Clare, a 
i:oyal colonial governor, Jerome Park, laid out and beautified with 
trees, shrubbery, a club-house, and other necessary buildings by 
Leonard W. Jerome, is the famous New York race-course. The 
park is held under a lease by the American Jockey Club, organized 
in 1866, and now the most prominent racing association in the coun- 
try. The park is situated near Fordham, in the extreme northern 
suburb of the city. Races take place in June and October. 

\w 1874, l)y the so-called "Annexation Act," the three lowermost 
towns of Westchester County — Morrisania, West Farms, and Kings- 
bridge — were taken out of Westchester County and made a part of 
the City and County of New York. The act of annexation passed 
the Legislature in 1873, ^■''^1 ^\\^\'\ people voted on it in both West- 
chester County and New York. New York invited the three towns 
to come in, and the three towns were anxious to be made part of 
New York. The vote of the act was overwhelmingly in its favor on 
both sides of the Harlem River. Li January, 1874, the measure 
went into effect, and the passage of a steam fire-engine across the 
Harlem River into the new district on that day was hailed with joy 
by the people of Morrisania as the visible sign that they had indeed 
become New Yorkers. 

The annexation of this district extended the city limits from the 
Harlem River northward to a line running -from the Hudson River 
just north of Mount St. \''incent, north of Woodlawn Heights, to the 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



125 



Bronx River, and then down the Bronx River to Long Island Sound. 
It added to the city a territory of nineteen and a quarter square 
miles, or 12,317 acres, and a population of 40,000 people. The 
principal villages were Morrisania, Woodstock, Melrose, Mount Hope, 
Fairmount, West Farms, Tremont, Belmont, Fordham, and a por- 
tion of Williamsbridge. It is a territory rich in historic interest. 
Fortifications built by Washington are still to be seen on Gustav 
Schultz's place on Fordham Ridge, on the Bursing, and various 
places at Williamsbridge, and at other places in the townships. Wil- 
liam O. Giles at Kingsbridge built his house just inside the lines of 
the old Fort Independence, from which the Hessian general, Knyp- 
hausen, drove the Americans. At Hunt's Point is the grave of 
Joseph Rodman Drake, and in Kingsbridge the residence of the 
brave Gen. Richard Montgomery, who fell at Quebec. On the Har- 
lem River, just north of Harlem Bridge, is the residence of Gouver- 
neur Morris of Revolutionary fame, the author of the Constitution 
of New York. At Fordham is Edgar Allan Poe's cottage. On the 
Morris property in Morrisania, it is said, there still exists the lane, 
fringed with cherry trees, in which Washington's army assembled 
when the British evacuated New York. 

Before this part of Westchester County was united with the city, 
of course its government was that of the township system. The 
work of changing this to the city form was a long and difficult one, 
but Andrew H. Green performed it with skill, sagacity, and impar- 
tiality. He was assisted generally by those who had been instru- 
mental in bringing about the annexation — Judge William H. Rob- 
ertson, of Westchester County, Samuel R. Filley, Hugh N. Camp, 
Lewis G. Morris, Fordham Morris, James L. Wells, and William 
Caldwell. The towns brought with them a debt of $2,000,000, which 
the city assumed, the towns, of course, obtaining their share of 
responsibility for the city debt of $130,000,000. Throughout this 
territory property was "dead." There were no paved streets, no 
improvements at all save the few crude ones which had been made 
under the township governments. There was no system of rapid 
transit. There was a simple series of country villages. There 
were frame buildings nearly everywhere save in the lower part of 
Morrisania, along what is now Third Avenue. Previous to annexa- 
tion Morrisania had been incorporated, and a kind of preliminary 
survey made of the town, showmg the location of streets and grades. 
West Farms had been under the charge of the Department of Pub- 
lic Parks in so far as the Legislature had empowered the depart- 



326 SOUVENIR AND 



ment to make surveys and locate avenues and streets. These sur- 
ve3-s were continued with great care and elaboration after the 
annexation. 

The following table shows at a glance that the growth of the sec- 
tion has been rapid indeed : 

No. of New Cost of New Amount of 

Year. Buildings. Buildings. Conveyance. 

881 285 . $1,052,995 

882 343 1,409,913 $3,889,064 

883 405 1,428,967 4,343,545 

884 635 1,638,736 4,382,975 

885 582 1,927,274 4,787,848 

886 703 2,407,421 7,911,185 

887 1,033 4i733»305 11,226,480 



8,219,576 



Understanding that One Hundred and Seventieth Street generally 
may be considered the dividing line between the Twenty-third and 
Twenty-fourth Wards of the city, the following figures showing 
assessed valuations are also interesting : 

Twenty-third Twenty-fourth 

Year. Ward. Ward. Total. 

1874 $11,369,475 $11,536,890 $22,901,365 

1880 13,478,300 9,423,685 22,901,985 

1881 13,836,060 9,504,765 23,340,825 

1882 14,299,475 9>577.825 23,877,300 

1883 14,846,410 9'752,563 24,602,973 

1884. 15,632,255 9,888,810 25,521,065 

1885 18,559,059 10,272,115 28,831,174 

1886 19,038,126 11,214,370 30,852,496 

1887 21,027,808 11,761,960 32,789,768 

1888 24,215,376 14,113,103 38,328,479 

1889 25,900,886 13,854,582 39,764,398 

The building set in in Morrisania, and went steadily up Third 
Avenue, branching out on either side. Generally speaking, it may 
be said that below One Hundred and Seventieth Street the buildings 
put up were tenements with stores beneath, blocks of houses, and 
detached buildings. Above One Hundred and Seventieth Street the 
majority of buildings erected have been detached frame cottages of 
the villa style, of attractive modern designs. This is especially the 
case at Fordham, Tremont, Mount Hope, Belmont, Sedgwick Park, 
Bedford Park, Kingsbridge, and Woodlawn Heights. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 327 

The tenements with stores beneath have been mostly along Third 
Avenue, forming the invaluable " elevated road property." They 
would certainly extend farther than One Hundred and Seventieth 
Street, only the elevated road stops there. The railroad people say 
they cannot go further until Third Avenue is widened. 

With all these advantages, property has nearly doubled in value 
in lower Morrisania within the last five years. The future of this 
part of the town is marked as that of a great manufacturing and 
commercial centre. The Harlem, New Haven, New York Central, 
and New York and Northern Railroads, and, locally, horse-car lines 
to every part of the annexed district, all centre here in a section 
south of One Hundred and Forty-fourth Street. And this district 
has a southern frontage on the Harlem River, soon to be converted 
by the new ship canal into a channel between the Hudson River, the 
outlet of New York State, and the sea ; while the eastern part of 
the district is one shore of the actual harbor in which this channel 
meets the sea. Lower Morrisania certainly has a future before it second 
to that of no part of the island. Among the manufactories estab- 
lished there, most of them recently, are iron works, piano works in 
any number, silk works, flouring mills, electrical works, feather works, 
breweries, boat-building establishments, etc. 

The houses that have been built in this section are brick residences, 
tenements, and, in the vicinity of Mott Haven, frame buildings for 
the accommodation of the employees in the manufactories. The resi- 
dences are of two and three stories, and in a great measure suppiy 
the want felt for small homes across the Harlem River. Some of the 
buildings on Alexander Avenue are as handsome as those on the side- 
streets on the west side below the Harlem. Yet the houses are all 
for people of moderate means, who want homes of their own at 
fair prices. Most of the houses have brown-stone fronts. From 
One Hundred and Forty-fourth Street down, Morrisania is pretty 
solidly built up. Like Harlem, Morrisania is getting to be indepen- 
dent of " down town." It is now practically self-supporting in most 
particulars. Along the " Ridge," so called, on both sides of Mott 
Avenue, between One Hundred and Thirty-eighth and One Hundred 
and Forty-ninth streets, there has been a very handsome growth of 
brick residences. There are a few frame houses among them. They 
are mostly occupied by their owners, and are of a very desirable 
class. Along through Melrose, between Third avenue and the Har- 
lem River, from One Hundred and Forty-sixth to One Hundred and 
Sixty-second Street, and along Courtlandt, Elton and Morris Avenues 



o 



28 , SOUVENIR AND 



are a good many rows of brick residences and tenements, with stores 
beneath. In this section there are a great many German residents. 
On the intersecting streets in the neighborhood are cottages and some 
apartments. Here, too, are located a number of small manufacturing 
establishments. 

All this territory has, of course, the same system of public 
schools as the old new York, but better, perhaps, because more land 
can be acquired for school purposes than on Manhattan Island. The 
school buildnig at Tremont is situated on the border of Crotona Park, 
on high ground, and from its cupola on a clear day the Brooklyn 
Bridge can be seen. The school at Fordham has the amplest con- 
veniences. It is claimed that the Twenty-third and 'J'wenty-fourth 
wards furnish a larger percentage of the students in the Normal 
College and in the College of the City of New York than any other 
part of the city. 

There have recently been erected in the annexed district some 
very handsome churches. The new Church of the Immaculate Con- 
ception on One Hundred and Fiftieth Street, in Melrose, is said to 
have cost $150,000. The new and beautiful chapel of the historic 
old Episcopal Church of St. Ann's in Morrisania cost over $25,000. 
New Baptist, Methodist, and Congregational churches have been 
erected in Tremont. An Episcopal church edifice has been put up 
at West Farms, while another new stone church has gone up at High- 
bridgeville, on Ogden avenue. It is almost needless to say that the 
influence of the building of these churches upon the development of 
the section has been very great. 

New York has 5,250 disciplined militia, and these form eight regi- 
ments of infantry and two batteries of artillery and Gatling guns. 
Each regiment has a separate armory, containing company rooms, drill- 
halls, reception rooms, libraries, etc. The Seventh Regiment (Colonel, 
Emmons Clark) Armory, built in 1879 at a cost of $300,000, is 
bounded by Sixty-sixth and Sixty-seventh Streets and Fourth and 
Lexington Avenues. The Eighth R'egiment (Colonel, George D. 
Scott) has its armory on Ninth avenue and Twenty-seventh Street ; and 
the armory of the Ninth Regiment (Colonel, William Seward) is at 
No. 221 West Twenty-sixth Street. The Eleventh Regiment is a 
German organization, and its colonel is Alfred P. Stewart. The 
armory is on Grand and Essex Streets. The Twelfth Regiment (of 
which James H. Jones is colonel) has its armory on Eighth Avenue, 
from Sixty-first to Sixty-second Street. The Twenty-second Regi- 
ment armory is located on Fourteenth Street, near Sixth Avenue. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. -^IC^ 



The Sixty-ninth is the famous Irish regiment of the Civil War. Its 
colonel is James Cavanagh, and its armory is over Tompkins Market, 
on Third Avenue, between Sixth and Seventh Streets. The Seventy- 
first Regiment armory is at Broadway and Thirty-fifth Street. One 
of its quaintest trophies is a cannon. " captured from the Bowery 
boys " in the famous Dead-Rabbit war, in 1857. This was one of the 
bravest commands in the battle of Bull Run. E. A. McAlpin is the 
colonel. The militia are enlisted tor five years, and they are 
equipped by the State with arms and other munitions, and partly with 
uniforms. In winter there are continual com^pany drills ; and in sum- 
mer several days of camp duty under canvas, at the State camp- 
ground near Peekskill. They are a power behind the police on occa- 
sions of riot. They have swept the tumultuous streets with deadly 
volleys more than once, and were equally efficient in line of battle 
before Gen. Lee's heroic Southern infantry. 

Some of the charitable and benevolent institutions in New York 
city are : The New York Hospital (Fifteenth Street near Fifth Ave- 
nue) is a great, many-balconied, brick building, with ornamental 
Gothic gables. The institution was founded by the Earl of Dunmore, 
in 1 77 1 ; and its ancient seat between DuaiTe and Church Streets^and 
Broadway, was vacated in 1870, the present building being opened in 
1877. Ward patients pay $1 a day. St. Luke's Hospital, at Fifth 
Avenue and Fifty-fourth Street, was founded in 1850 by the Rev. W. 
A. Muhlenberg, and has an oblong parallelogram of buildings, with 
wings, and a central chapel flanked with towers. It is attended by 
Episcopal nuns, and the form of worship is Episcopalian ; but patients 
are received without regard to sect. Orphan Asylum, at Riverside 
Park, was founded about 1807, in a small hired house below City Hall 
Park. Its property is now worth f 1,000,000, and 200 orphans are in 
its charge. Mount Sinai Hospital, at Lexington Avenue and East 
Sixty-sixth Street, is a noble Elizabethan pile of brick and marble, 
admirably equipped, with nearly 200 free beds. It cost $340,000, and 
was erected by Jewish New Yorkers, but is non-sectarian. Presby- 
terian Hospital, at Madison Avenue and East Seventieth Street, 
founded by James Lenox, who also established the Lenox Library, 
is a handsome Gothic building, dating from 1872. The New York 
Cancer Hospital (there is but one other in the world), is on Eighth 
Avenue, near One Hundred and Fifth Street. It was founded in 1884. 
with an endowment of $200,000 from John Jacob Astor, ^50,000 
from Mrs. General Collum, and $25,000 each from Mrs. Astor, Mrs. 
R. L. Stuart, and Mrs. C. H. Rogers. Old Ladies' Home, of the 



330 SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 

Baptist Church, on Sixty-eighth Street, near Fourth Avenue, is a spa- 
cious semi-gothic building in the form of the letter H. Roosevelt 
Hospital, at Ninth Avenue and Fifty-ninth Street, richly endowed by 
the late James H. Roosevelt, is an admirably arranged and spacious 
pavilion hospital, opened in 1871, and accommodating 180 patients. 
Bloomingdale Asylum for the Insane, at Boulevard and One Hundred 
and Seventeenth Street, on Washington Heights, is a palatial brown- 
stone building, erected mainly in 182 1, amid charming grounds of 
forty-five acres. Only paying patients are received. The Institution 
for the Deaf and Dumb, at Fanwood (One Hundred and Sixty-Sec- 
ond Street), Washington Heights, is richly endowed, and has thirty- 
seven acres of ground. It was founded in 1816, and educates 250 
pupils, the course being eight years. Open daily, 1.30 to 4 p. m. 
Institution for the Blind, at Ninth Avenue and West Thirty-fourth 
Street, has a granite Gothic building. It was founded in 1831. Blind 
children are educated here, in letters and useful arts. Open to visit- 
ors, I to 6 p. M. daily. 

New York's growth may well be held to have fully justified the 
wisdom of the State in giving up its independent custom-house and 
consenting to such negotiations of commerce by the general govern- 
ment as would make the city eventually the greatest port of entry for 
the most prominent of commercial nations. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

A CENTURY'S ART AND INDUSTRIAL J)EVELOPMENT— 
MINERAL RESOURCES CONSIDERED. 

Nothing contributes so much to a nation's progress in the 
mechanic arts as rich mineral resources, and in these America has 
been peculiarly fortunate. While the Spaniards, greedy for that 
wealth which proved their ruin, planted their colonies from Mexico to 
Chili along the western portion of the continent, rich in precious 
metals, our English ancestors fixed their homes in a portion which, 
though not destitute of mineral resources, offered no tempting prizes 
to the miners of that early day. The records of our colonial period 
have little to tell beyond the working of some iron ores along the sea- 
board, and attempts on a small scale to mine ores of copper and of 
lead. The first half century of our national existence does not add 
much to this record, and the history of the marvelous developments 
in the working of the coal, petroleum, iron, and copper in our Eastern 
regions, and in the mining of gold and silver in the West, belongs 
to the present generation. 

It is in the division of our country which stretches from the east- 
ern base of the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean that are 
found the great stores of coal and iron, beside vast supplies of 
petroleum, salt, copper, and other minerals of less importance. 
Geologically described, this eastern half of the United States is 
essentially a great basin of crystalline paleozoic strata nearly 
encircled with azeoic rocks, and has been aptly described as a great 
bowl filled with mineral treasure, the outer rim of which is 
formed by the mountains of Northern New York, the hills 
of New England, the Highlands of the Hudson, and their 
southward continuation in the Blue Ridge nearly to the Gulf 
of Mexico. Thence, passing to the eastern base of the 
Rocky Mountains, it extends northward, and by the Great Lakes 
around the northern rim of the bowl to the point of departure. 
Within the area thus enclosed lies the vast Appalachian coal-field, 
with its dependent areas of anthracite and semi-bituminous coal, the 
lesser coal-fteids of Michigan and Illinois, and the still more western 

331 



SOUVENIR AND 



one to which the coals of Iowa, Missouri, and Arkansas belong. It 
includes, moreover, formations containing i)etroleum, salt, and lead, 
besides much iron, though not less abundant stores of the latter 
metal are found in the surrounding crystalline rocks. 

The coal deposits of the great paleozoic basin furnish the main- 
spring of our principal mechanical and commercial enterprises, the 
great source of motive power, and the chief means of reducing and 
manufacturing our iron. If to this we add that the value of the coal 
now mined in the United States is equal to that of all the iron, gold 
and silver produced in the country, we have said enough io justify us 
in assigning it the first place in a survey of our mineral resourees. 
The forest growth supplied the demands for fuel of the early English 
colonists, to whom the treasures of the great basin were little known, 
and the 'first attempts at mining mineral fuel were in the coal basin of 
Richmond, Virginia, one of several small areas which lie over its 
eastern rim, or between the Blue Ridge and the sea. The coal of 
Richmond occurs in what are known to geologists as mesozoic rocks, 
and belongs to a later age than the bituminous coal of Pennsylvania, 
which, however, it resembles in quality. It was probably first mined 
as early as 1750, and after the war of the Revolution was exported to 
Philadelphia, New York and Boston until within the last thirty 
years. Other coals have since replaced it in these markets, and it is 
now mined chiefly for local use. 

The anthracite of Eastern Pennsylvania was first discovered, it is 
said, in 1770. In 1775, J"^t a century since, a boat-load was taken 
down to the armory at Carlisle, and in 1791 the great open quarry of 
this fuel near Mauch Chunk was made known. From its unlikeness 
to the Virginia coal, and the difficulty of igniting it, the Pennsylvania 
anthracite encountered much opposition. Tradition tells us that a 
boat-load taken to Philadelphia in 1803 was broken up and used to 
mend the roads. But it slowly found its way into use ; and from a 
pamphlet published in 1815 we learn that the coal from the Lehigh 
had been several years on trial in Philadelphia, where it had been 
compared with the Virginia bituminous coal, and, from the- testimony 
of iron-workers, distillers, and others, was to be preferred to it for 
durability and economy. Oliver Evans had, moreover, at this time 
tried the anthracite with success under the boilers of his steam-engine, 
and also insisted upon its advantages for domestic purposes. Not- 
withstanding these results, the new fuel found its way very slowly 
into use, and in 1822 the total production of the anthracite mines 
was estimated at 3720 tons, against 48,000 tons of the coal from 



OFFICIA L PROG HA MME. 



RichmiMid, Virginia, then its only rival. Fifty years later, or in 1872, 
the official returns give for the exportation of coal from the anthracite 
region not less than 19,000,000 tons, besides about 2,500,000 tons for 
local consum])tion, while that of the Virginia coal-field for the same 
year is estimated at 62,000 tons. The late Professor Silliman, who 
visited the anthracite region in 1825, and published his report of it in 
the following year, was the first to appreciate the real value and im- 
portance of this deposit of fossil fuel, which he then spoke of as a 
great national trust. 

The small detached basins of the anthracite region have, together 
an area of only 472 miles ; but the immense aggregate thickness of 
the seams of coal, varying in different parts from fifty to one hundred 
feet, and estimated at an average of seventy feet for the whole, makes 
this wonderful region of greater value than Western coal-fields, whose 
extent is measured by many thousands of square miles. Mr. P. W. 
Shaeffer, who has calculated the cubic contents of these anthracite 
beds, estimates it to have been at the time when mining was con\- 
menced equal to 26,361,070,000 tons, from which one-half may be 
deducted for waste in mining and breaking for market, and for losses 
from faults and irregularities in the beds, giving of merchantable 
coal 13,180,538,000 tons. If from this we subtract the amount pro- 
duced by the mines from 1820 to 1870, estimated at 206,666,325 tons, 
we had still in store at the latter date a supply of 25,000,000 tons a 
year, or more than the present rate of consumption, for 525 years. 
The large waste in mining this precious fuel is due in part to the diffi- 
culty in working seams of unusual thickness, often in highly inclined 
positions. Moreover, the loss in breaking and dressing for the mar- 
ket, which demands the anthracite in regularly - assorted sizes, is 
very great, and the waste from these two causes amounts to about 
one-third the entire contents of the veins, while in Great Britain the 
average loss in mining and marketing ordinary coals is not over one- 
fifth. The great value of our American anthracite is due in part to 
its peculiar qualities, its hardness, density, purity and smokelessness, 
which render it pre-eminently fit for domestic purposes and for iron 
smelting ; but in part also to its geographical position. Its proximity 
to the Atlantic sea-board, which is almost destitute of coal, to our 
great cities and wealthy and populous districts, and, moreover, to 
some of the most important deposits of iron ore in the country, has 
already led to an immense development of mining in the anthracite 
region. The New England States, Eastern New York, New Jersey, 
and Eastern Pennsylvania look to it for their chief supplies of fuel ; 



sow EX I R AND 



great systems of railways and canals have l:)een called into existence 
by it ; and a vast iron-producing industry has grown up, dependent 
upon the anthracite fields, which now furnish nearly one half of all 
the coal mined in the United States. It results from the course of 
trade that large quantities of anthracite find their way westward by 
railways, canal-boats and lake steamers, freights m that direction 
being very low at certain seasons of the year. Thus there were 
brought to Buffalo in 1873 about three-quarters of a million of tons 
of anthracite, the greater part by railway, of which Chicago received 
over half a million, or nearly one-third of its entire coal supply. 
Smaller quantities of anthracite find their way down the Ohio River 
to Cincinnati and beyond. 

The chief supply of the regions to the west of the meridian of 
Washington comes, however, from the great Appalachian basin, 
which, underlying much of the western half of Pennsylvania and of 
the eastern third of Ohio, West Virginia, and a part of Eastern Ken- 
tucky, stretches through Eastern Tennessee as far as Alabama, 
embracing an area of coai-bearmg rocks estimated at nearly 58,000 
square miles. Along the eastern border of this vast field of bitumin- 
ous coal there are in Pennsylvania and in Maryland several small 
areas which furnish a semi-bituminous coal, intermediate in composi- 
tion, as in position, between it and the anthracite of the East, and 
now very largely mined. The best known of these outlying basins 
are the Blossburg, on the north, and the Cumberland, in Maryland, 
on the south ; but there are between these other similar areas of 
considerable importance, such as the Broad Top, Johnstown, Tow- 
anda, and Ralston, the production of the whole being about 5,000,000 
tons of coal annually, of which nearly one-half comes from the Cum- 
berland, and about one-fifth from the Blossburg. This latter was 
first opened by a railway in 1840, while an outlet from the Cumber- 
land .field to the seaboard was established by the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad in 1842, thus bringing for the first time the bituminous coal 
of the interior to tide-water, and displacing in Eastern markets the 
coal of Virginia. These semi-bituminous coals, very rich in carbon, 
and yet possessing the property of coking in the fire, are much 
esteemed for iron-working and for generating steam, for which they 
are largely used on cur railways and ocean steamers, besides which 
great quantities are converted into coke for iron smelting. 

Ohio is next to Pennsylvania in coal production, and offers a free 
burning splint or block coal, which is prized for its freedom from ash 
and also from the fact that it can be directly used in the blast-furnace 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 2i'\^ 



for smelting iron ores without previous coking, and it has given rise 
to an important iron industry in its vicinity. The supply in Northern 
Ohio is, however, limited, and it is rapidly becoming exhausted. A 
much more important deposit of a similar coal, under very favorable 
conditions for mining, has lately been made known farther southward 
in the State, in the Hocking Valley, where it is, moreover, accom- 
panied by large beds of coking coal. The coal of Ohio is destined 
from its geographical position to become of great importance : lying 
on the northwest border of the Appalachian field, as the anthracite 
and semi-bituminous coals of Pennsylvania do upon its northeast bor- 
der, it has to the north and west of it a vast, wealthy and populous 
region, with growing industries, and demanding large and increasing 
supplies of coal. 

The extension southward of the Appalachian coal-field through 
West Virginia and parts of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama is 
known to abound in valuable beds of bituminous coal, which have 
lately attracted considerable attention. Since the opening of the 
Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad the coals from the valley of the Kana- 
wha are finding their way, to some extent, to the seaboard and into 
Eastern markets, but with this exception the vast coal deposits of this 
great Southern region are as yet mined only to supply the limited 
local demands. 

Among the important uses of bituminous coal is the manufacture 
of illuminating gas, for which purpose immense quantities of coal are 
distilled. The annual consumption for this purpose in the cities of 
New York and Brooklyn is estimated at about 400,000 tons. Those 
coals which yield large quantities of pure gas of high illuminating 
power are greatly prized. The Eastern cities are in part furnished 
with gas coal from Cape Breton, but the greater part of the coals for 
this purpose is got from Western Pennsylvania. Excellent gas coals 
are, however, obtained in Ohio and in West Virginia. 

The State of Michigan includes a coal basin with an area of not 
less than 6,700 square miles, but the beds of coal which it contains 
are few, thin, and of inferior quality. For this reason, and from the 
fact that the State is cheaply supplied with superior coals from Penn- 
sylvania and Ohio, the coal of Michigan is worked only to a small 
extent for local consumption, the estimated production for 1872 being 
but 30,000 tons. The Illinois coal basin, which underlies the greater 
part of that State, and extends into the western parts of Indiana and 
Kentucky, has an area of not less than 47,000 square miles. Along 
its eastern and western borders in Clay County, Indiana, and near St. 



336 SOUVENIR AND 

Louis, are found deposits of an excellent block coal like that of Ohio, 
adapted for iron smelting, but with this exception the coals of this 
great basin are generally sulphurous and inferior in quality, and com- 
mand in the market of Chicago a price much below those of Pennsyl- 
vania and Ohio. Chicago received in 1873 over i,6co, 000 tons of 
coal, of which about two-fifths only were from the adjacent coal-field, 
the remainder being brought from the two States just named. The 
first working of coal in Illinois dates from 1810, and the production of 
the State for 1872 was equal to 3,000,000 tons, while Indiana fur- 
nished 800,000, and that portion of the coal-field which lies in West- 
ern Kentucky 800,000. 

The coals of the great field west of the Mississippi, which extends 
through Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, and Arkansas, are mostly of inferior 
quality and in thin beds, but are of great local importance in these 
sparsely wooded regions. In the State of Arkansas, moreover, there 
are found beds of a superior semi-bituminous coal, approaching to 
anthracite in its character. Further westward, in the Rocky Moun- 
tains and thence to the Pacific coast, from the confines of Mexico to 
Canada, are extensive deposits of tertiary coals or lignites, which, 
though inferior in quality to the coals of the Appalachian basin, are, 
in the absence of better fuel, employed for generating steam and for 
domestic purposes. They are, however, very variable in quality, 
and some beds have of late been found which are fit for the manu- 
facture of illuminating gas, and are even capable of yielding a coke 
suitable for metallurgical processes. These coals are mined in Utah, 
Colorado, ajid Wyoming, and again on the Pacific coast in California, 
Oregon, and Washington Territory. Of the coal supply in San Fran- 
cisco in 1873, which equaled 441,000 tons, al)out sixty per cent, came 
from these deposits along the western coast, the remainder being 
from Australia, England, and the Eastern States. 

The petroleum industry of the United States was in its beginning 
closely connected with coal, since it was the production of oils from 
bituminous coals which led the way to the utilization of the native 
mineral oils. It had long been known that tar and oily matters 
could be extracted from coal and from shales impregnated with coaly 
matter by subjecting them to a high temperature, these substances, 
although not existing ready-formed in the coals, being generated by 
the decomposing action of heat. A product thus obtained was known 
to apothecaries more than a century ago by the name of British oil ; 
and in 1834 experiments on a large scale were made in France by 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 337 



Selligue to manufacture illuminating oils by the distillation of shales, 
and with partial success. 

In i860 the American production of petroleum rose to 500,000 
barrels of forty gallons each, and for the decade ending with 1870 it 
amounted to not less than 35,273,000 barrels of crude oil. Of this 
by far the greater part came from Pennsylvania, for of the 6,500,000 
barrels produced in 1870, not less than 5,569,000 were from that 
State, the production of about 3,000 wells, which is an average of only 
about five barrels daily for each well. This growth has steadily 
continued. 

The history of the iron industry of the United States, as yet con- 
fined to the region east of the Rocky Mountains, must be considered in 
connection with the coal upon which it is to a great extent dependent. 
The great supplies of iron ores to the east of the Appalachian coal- 
field are, first, from the beds, chiefly of the magnetic species, but 
occasionally of red hematite, which abounds in the Adirondack region 
of New York, extending northward into Canada (which furnishes a 
considerable quantity of ore to the American market) ; while south- 
ward, in the mountain belt from the Highlands of the Hudson to 
South Carolina, are great deposits of similar ores, extensively mined 
in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. Within the eastern 
rim of the basin and parallel with it, is, in the second place, a belt of 
iron ores, chiefly brown hematite, which is traced from Vermont 
along the western Iwrder of New England, and assumes a great de- 
ve-lopment in parts of Pennsylvania, Virginia, Tennessee, and Ala- 
bama. Further westward, within the great basin, are found the red 
fossiliferous ores, which lie near the summit of the Silurian series, 
and are traced from Wisconsin eastward through Ontario and 
Central New York, and thence southward, parallel with the AUe- 
ghanies and in proximity to the coal, through Pennsylvania, as far as 
Alabama. Besides these are to be considered the great deposits of 
iron ores belonging to the coal measures, including those of the 
lower carboniferous. These ores, which are carI)onntes and limon- 
ites, occasionally with red hematite, abound in Western Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, and West Virginia. They are wanting or rare in the middle 
and western coal-fields of the great basin ; but between these, in the 
Missouri and Arkansas, there rise, from the thinly spread out 
paleozoic strata, mountains of crystalline rocks, which include im- 
mense deposits of red hematite and magnetic ores of great value. 
Farther northward these crystalline rocks, with their metallic treas- 
ures, are concealed beneath newer strata, but chey re-appear, 



338 SOUVENIR AND 



charged with great quantities of these same species of iron ore, in the 
northern peninsula of Michigan, whence, sweeping eastward through 
Canada, the chain of crystalline rocks bearing these ores is continued 
to the Adirondack region of New York. 

The great demand for iron in this country for the purpose of rail- 
way construction, together with the high prices in Great Britain in 
1872 and 1873, led to a large increase in the number of blast fur- 
naces. In the two years just named eighty-three furnaces, some of 
them among the largest in the country, were finished and put into 
blast, and the whole number in operation in the autumn of 1873 was 
estimated at 636, having a capacity of producing not "less than 4,371,- 
277 tons of pig-iron, while a later estimate from the same source, the 
American Iron and Steel Association, gives in July, 1874, a capacity 
of 4,500,000 tons, or about 1,000,000 more than the greatest consump- 
tion yet reached. Even at the previous rate of increase, many years 
must elapse before the country can consume such an amount of iron, 
and with the general prostration of business, and especially of the iron 
trade, in 1874, we are not surprised to find that a very large propor- 
tion of these furnaces is now out of blast, and that the selling price of 
pig-iron at the beginning of 1875 was below that at which it could be 
made at some of the furnaces. For the future the iron manufacturers 
of our country must strive for progress not only in the selection of 
ores and fuels, but in improvements in the construction and the man- 
agement of furnaces, in all of which directions great economies remain 
to be effected, as the results obtained in late years by the skill and 
high science of British iron-masters abundantly show. In this way we 
may hope before long to rival not only in quality but in cheapness, 
the iron products of other countries. With the boundless resources 
of coal and iron which our country affords, it is only a question of 
how soon we can successfully contend with Great Britain in foreign 
markets. The entire iron production of the world was in 1S56 about 
7,000,000 tons, and in 1874 it was estimated at 15,000,000 tons, of 
which, at both of these periods, about one-half was furnished by Great 
Britain. It is supposed by Mr. A. S. Hewitt that at the end of the 
century the demand will amount to not less than 25,000,000 tons. 
The present immense production is already taxing heavily the resources 
of England, which olitains a large proportion of its purer ores from 
foreign countries, and a period will soon be reached when she can no 
longer meet the world's increasing demand, for the supply of which 
no other country offers advantages comparable with the United States. 
The day is therefore not far distant when, in the words of Mr. Hewitt, 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



339 



all rivalry between the two nations in iron production must pass away. 
The copper mines of the United States next claim attention. 
Throughout the crystalline rocks which form the eastern border of 
the paleozoic basin, ores of this metal are pretty abundantly distrib- 
uted, and are now mined and treated for the extraction of the cop- 
per in Vermont, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Eastern Tennes- 
see, besides which ores from other localities along this belt, and from 
various regions to the westward of the great basin, are brought to 
Baltimore and to the vicinity of Boston for reduction. The total 
production from all these sources, which has never been greater than 
at present, is, however, estimated at less than 2,500 tons — an amount 
inconsiderable when compared with the production of the mines of 
Lake Superior. In these, unlike the mines just mentioned, and, 
indeed, unlike most others in the world, the copper, instead of being 
in the condition of an ore — that is to say, mineralized and disguised 
by combination with sulphur or with oxygen and other bodies, from 
which it must be separated by long and costly chemical processes — 
IS found m the state of pure metal, and needs only to be mechanically 
separated from the accompanying rocky matters previous to melting 
into ingot copper. The history of the copper region on the south 
shore of Lake Superior is famous in the annals of American mining. 
The metal, which in many cases is found in masses ot all sizes up to 
many tons in weight, was known and used by the aboriginal races, 
and the traces of their rude mining operations are still met with. 
The first modern attempts at extracting this native copper, in 177 1, 
were unsuccessful, and it was not until 1843 that the attention of 
mining adventurers was again turned toward this region. Numerous 
mines were opened, and a period of reckless speculation followed, 
which ended in 1847 in the failure and abandonment of nearly all the 
enterprises which had been begun. They were, however, soon resumed 
under wiser management, and have been followed up with remarkable 
success. At first the operations were chiefly directed to the extrac- 
tion of the great masses of native copper which were found distributed 
in an irregular manner in veins or fissures in the rocks, and yielded 
in some cases large p. ofits ; but with the exhaustion of these a more 
abundant and regular Sviurce of supply has been found in layers ot a 
soft earthy material, known as ash beds, containing metallic copper 
finely disseminated, or in beds of a conglomerate, of which pure cop- 
per forms the cementing material. The successful working of these 
two kinds of deposits has been arrived at only by well-directed skill 
in management, and by mechanical appliances which dimmish the 



;40 SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



cost of mining, crushing, and washing the rock, and reduce to a 
minimum the inevitable loss of copper in the waste material. No mining 
industry illustrates more strikingly than this the im.portance of such 
economies. 

The immense development \\\ the production of precious metals 
has been noted elsewhere, but the history of the mining of our gold 
and silver would be imperfect without a notice of the quicksilver of 
California, as it is by its aid that nearly the whole of these precious 
metals, with the exception of the silver of the lead ores, is extracted. 
Quicksilver ore was discovered in California as early as 1849, ^^d 
the mines opened soon after have not only continued to supply the 
wants of the immense gold and silver industry of the West, but since 
1852 have furnished large quantities for exportation to Mexico, 
South America, China, and Australia. This amounted in 1865 to 
44,000 flasks of seventy-six and a half pounds each, or 3,366,000 
pounds of quicksilver. The increased demand for this metal for the 
treatment of our silver ores, and the diminished production of the 
mines, have since reduced considerably the exportation. In no other 
region of the globe, however, is the ore of quicksilver so widely 
distributed as in California, and there is reason to believe that from 
the opening and working of new deposits the production will soon be 
much increased — a result which will be stimulated by the present 
high price of quicksilver and its scarcity in foreign markets. 

We have noticed the falling off in the yield of gold from Cali- 
fornia which began in 1853. It was not until i860 that supplies of 
this metal from other districts appeared, rising from $1,000,000 in 
that year to |;28,ooo,ooo in 1866, since which time there has been a 
gradual falling off from these also, so that while for 1873 the gold of 
California equaled $19,000,000, that from other sources in the 
Western United States was $17,000,000, making a production of 
$36,000,000, that of the entire world being estimated at $100,000,000. 
Dr. R. W. Raymond, gives the entire gold product of the country 
from 1847 to 1873 inclusive at $1,240,750,000; and if to that we add 
his calculation of the silver produced up to that date, equal to $189,- 
000,000, we shall have $1,429,750,000. Adding to this the figures 
for 1874, which exceed a little those of 1873, we have a grand total 
of over $1,500,000,000 of gold and silver as the production of the 
territory between the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains and the 
Pacific up to that time, from the opening of the mines of California 
in 1847. 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

A CENTURY'S ART AND INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT— 
THE COTTON-GIN— ELECTRICAL INVENTIONS- 
PHOTOGRAPHY. 

In connection with the political history of the United States, we 
have noted the invention of the cotton-gin in 1793, by Eli Whitney. 
Its beneficent effects were confined to no single nation, and the 
reduction in the price of cotton cloth is of almost as much value 
to the Hottentot in the wilds of Africa — for whom that fabric fur- 
nishes his only clothing — as it is to the civilized man in England 
or America. In the process of separatmg the lint from the seed of 
Mie cotton-plant's product, the Whitney " saw gin " was the third 
stage of human progress. At first this work had been done by hand, 
and had taken the labor of a single slave for a whole day to prop- 
erly separate the seed from a single pound of lint. It may well be 
imagined that with such a process to be gone through before any 
use could be made of the product, the raising of cotton was not 
carried on with any enthusiasm, and much profit could not be made 
from it. Then came the " roller gin," which was a great improve- 
ment, but was still too slow for modern methods. It was this upon 
which the inventor undertook to improve. Whitney was a native of 
Massachusetts, but a citizen of Georgia. He spent many years in 
carefully studying out the machine which has made his name justly 
famous, and promises untold benefits upon millions still unborn. 
This invention made it possible for almost every American planter 
in the South to have his own gin on his own plantation, and to 
send out the separated lint in bales. 

The first cotton-mill in the United States, operated upon the fac- 
tory system, was opened at Beverly, Mass., in the year 1787, the 
same in which the Federal Constitution was drawn up in the Conven- 
tion at Philadelphia. It was the object of general solicitude, and was 
assisted by the Legislature with grants of money amounting to over 
^1,500. The ne.xt factory was erected at East Bridgewater, Mass., 
by Hugh Robert and Alexander Orr, who had come to this country 
from Scotland. In 1 789, Samuel Sloter, a native of England, emigrated 

341 



542 SOUVENIR AND 



to Rhode Island, and set up in a factory at Pawtucket a series of Ark- 
wright spinning jennies, made with his own hands. As early as 1790 
a cotton-mill with eignty-tour spindles was at work at Statesburg, 
South Carolina. In 1832 there were 795 mills, employing 57,500 
hands, and running 1.250,000 spindles in operation in the United 
States. In 1884 the number of spindles was 13,300,000, and the 
number of hands employed was 200,000; at the same time the amount 
of the crop handled was 1,855,000 bales, instead of 174,000." 

American cotton goods hold their own in the markets of the world 
in spite of the advantage which the English have in the control of the 
carrying trade. They are honestly made, and even in the ports of 
India and China find preference, because they are better than the 
adulterated goods which come from the English mills at Manchester 
and elsewhere. 

The making of cotton-seed oil is an industry which has followed 
the development of the manufacture of cotton goods. We have an 
annual cotton crop of some 6,000,000 bales, and after the reserve of 
seed necessary for planting, there is an average of 2,500,000 tons 
of cotton-seed left. This is now made into oil, which is a perfectly 
available substitute for olive oil, and is largely used in the harmless 
adulteration of the cheaper grades of lard. The extent to which 
this production has grown may be understood from the fact that even 
in 1879, 88,609,465 gallons of crude oil were turned out, and this 
amount has been constantly increasing. 

In the field of Electrical invention the Americans lead the world, 
and have done so ever since the invention of the telegraph by Prof. 
Morse, or in fact, since the identity of lightning and electricity was 
discovered by Benjamin Franklin. European inventors, like Lamond 
and Cavallo, Volta and Galvin, had given their time to a consideration 
of the transmission of ideas by means of the electric current. 
Oersted, in 1820, observed that the magnetic needle had a tendency 
to assume a direction at right angles to that of the excited wire. The 
farther experiments of Oersted and Ampere, and the discovery of 
Farraday that magnetism was induced in a bar of soft iron under the 
influence of a voltaic circuit, and that of Sturgeon, in 1825, that a 
soft iron bar surrounded by a helix of wire through which a voltaic 
current is passed is magnetized during the time such current con- 
tinues, gave rise to the first really convenient and practical system of 
electro-telegraphy. One difficulty remained — the resistance of the 
transmitting wire to the comparatively feeble current engendered by 
the voltaic battery. This was overcome by Professor Henry, who, in 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. ^^43 



1 83 1, invented the form of magnet now in use, and discovered the 
^nnc\^\tt oi lomlnnatio'i of circitits constituting the receiving magnet 
and relay, or local battery, as they are familiarly known in connection 
with the Morse apparatus. The effect of a combination of circuits is 
to enable a weak or exhausted circuit to bring into action and sub- 
stitute for itself a fresh and powerful one. This is an essential con- 
dition to obtaining useful mechanical results from electricity where a 
long circuit of conductors is used. 

In 1832 Professor Morse began to devote his attention to the sub- 
ject of telegraphy, and in that year, while on his passage home from 
Europe, he invented the form of telegraph since so well known as 
" Morse's." 

A short line worked on his plan was set up in 1835, though it was 
not until June 20, 1840, that he obtained his first patent, and nearly 
four years elapsed before means could be procured, which were finally 
granted by the government of the United States, to test its practical 
working over a line of any length, though he had as early as 1837 
endeavored to induce Congress to appropriate a sum of money suffi- 
cient to construct a line between Washington and Baltimore. 

Morse's first idea was to employ chemical agencies for recording 
the signals, but he subsequently abandoned this for an apparatus 
which simply marked on strips of paper the dots and dashes compos- 
ing his alphabet. The paper itself is now generally dispensed with, 
at least in this country, and the signals read by sound — a circumstance 
which conduces to accuracy in transmission, as the ear is found less 
liable to mistake the duration and succession of sounds than the eye 
to read a series of marks on paper. 

Professor Morse deserves high honor for the ingenious manner in 
which he availed himself of scientific discoveries previously made by 
others, for many important discoveries of his own, and for the courage 
and perseverance which he manifested in endeavoring to render his 
system of practical utility to mankind by bringing it prominently to 
the notice of the public, and he lived to see it adopted in its essential 
features throughout the civilized world. 

The attention of Wheatstone in England appears to have been 
drawn to the subject of telegraphy in 1834. His first telegraphy 
comprised five pointing needles and as many line wires, requiring the 
deflection of two of the needles to indicate each letter. His first dial 
instrument was patented in 1840. Modifications were, however, sub- 
sequently made in it. The transmission of messages was effected by 
a wheel having fifteen teeth and as many interspaces, each represenc- 



344 SOUVENIR AND 



\\\g a letter of the alphabet or a numeral, and thirty spokes corre- 
sponduig to this, and forming part of the line. 'I'he circuit was closed 
l)y two diametrically opiX)site springs so arranged that when one was 
in contact with a tooth the other was opposite a space, when the trans- 
mitter was turned until opposite a particular letter and held there, a 
continuous current being produced, causing an index on the indicat- 
ing dial at the other end of the line, which had thirty divisions cor- 
responding to those of the transmitter, to turn until it arrived opposite 
the letter to be indicated. The revolution of the index was effected 
by clock-work, the escapement of which was actuated by an electro- 
magnet at either end of a pivoted beam, the ends of which carried 
two soft iron armatures. One of the line wires, as well as one of the 
contact springs of the transmitter, and one of the electro magnets of 
the indicator, were afterward dispensed with. 

A magneto-electric apparatus was subsequently substituted for 
the voltaic battery. The single-needle telegraph of Cooke and 
Wheatstone is caused to indicate the letters and figures by means of 
the deflections to the right or left of a vertical pointer ; for instance, 
the letter A is indicated by two deflections to the left, N by two de- 
flections to the right, I by three consecutive deflections to the right 
and then one to the left, and so on. This is extensively employed in 
Great Britain and Indies. 

Bain, in 1846, patented the electro-chemical telegraph, which dis- 
pensed with the relay magnet at intermediate stations, and subse- 
quently Gintl, in Austria, and Boneili constructed telegraphs of this 
class varying in details from that of Bain. Duplex and quadruplex 
systems have since been invented. Electroplating is an invention of 
the century. Volta himself experimented about 1800. Cruikshank 
noticed the corrosion in one wire and the precipitation of metallic 
silver on the other when passing the "galvanic influence " through 
the wires in a bath of nitrate of silver. WoUaston experimented m 
i8or. Spencer made casts from coins in 1838. Jacobi, of Dorpat, 
soon after gilded the iron dome of the Cathedral of St. Isaac, at St. 
Petersburg, with 274 pounds of ducat gold, deposited by battery. 
The art has grown into use, and now baser metals, in the shape of 
articles for household service, are cased with silver ; electrotyped 
forms are used as printing surfaces ; nickel is deposited on numerous 
articles which are exposed to damp, and on others to add to their 
beauty, as with movements of watches. It is impossible to enumer- 
ate the uses and applications, and not easy to exaggerate the value of 
the art. 



OFFICIAL PiWGRAMME. 345 

The electric light is eminently the child of the century. In its 
production and its uses it touches nowhere upon the knowledge or 
the methods of the men of the previous periods. It is a pure gain of 
the present. The bright spark from the electrical machine had been 
observed by Wall in 1708, the Leyden jar was invented by Cunoeus in 
1746, and the experiments of Dufay, Nollet, Gray, Franklin, and 
others soon gave valuable results. Another whole series of observa- 
tions and inventions founded upon the discoveries of Volta and Gal- 
vani was necessary before the transient spark was succeeded by the 
intense and unremitting light developed between two pieces of carbon 
placed at the arrangement by which small lumps of pure carbon 
nearly in contact, anid inclosed in air-tight vessels, were rendered 
luminous by currents of galvanic electricity. The break in the con- 
tinuity of the circuit at this point causes resistance, generating intense 
heat and the consumption of the carbon, which is accompanied by an 
extremely brilliant light. As the carbon burns away, one or both of 
the pieces require to be advanced, and the chief difficulty was found 
to be in maintaining the points at such a distance from each other as 
to render the light continuous. This is now effected by means of an 
electro-magnet and clock movement, the duty of the latter being 
to bring the points together as they are gradually consumed, while 
the magnet checks the clock action when not desired. 

This light is very largely used in the lecture-room. It was intro- 
duced into Dungeness Light-house, on the southeast coast of Eng- 
land, in 1862 ; at la Heve, France, a year or two later. It was used 
in the excavating chamber in the base of the deep caissons of the St. 
Louis Bridge ; during the excavation of the docks at Cherbourg ; on 
various festal occasions in cities of America and Europe. 

The incandescent light on which the Maxim, the Edison, and 
other lamps are now constructed is made on the principle of heating 
a piece of carbon white hot by means of electricity, in a vacuum, where, 
of course, it cannot burn. The light thus afforded is perfectly steady, 
and is now largely used by hotels, workshops, and private families. 
An invention of Edison enables the current used to be subdivided and 
measured almost as easily as gas is measured. Another advantage 
which the incandescent has over the arc light is in the fact that its 
steady and mild current does not render the wires over which it runs 
dangerous to one who comes in contact with them. Men, and even 
horses, have been knocked senseless or killed in New York by simply 
touching the wire over which an arc light intermittent current was 
running. The Legislature of the State of New York has recently 



346 SOUVENIR AND 



passed a law for the substitution of death by electricity for hanging 
in cases \vhere capital punishment has been imposed. This system 
has never yet been tried. 

Electric railways on several systems have been devised by Ameri- 
can inventors. Nothing but the expensiveness of producing and stor- 
ing the electricity stands in the way of their complete triumph over 
steam railways. There is at present one electric car built on the 
Julian storage system running on the Fourth Avenue street railway in 
this city. It is said to satisfy the anticipations of its constructors. 
The uses to which electricity has been put by Mr. Edison are too 
fresh in the public mind to need recapitulation here. The telephone 
which is in common use everywhere is generally held to be Mr. Bell's 
invention, but the New Jersey magician had a hand in its develop- 
ment. The phonograph is Mr. Edison's own work, and is in many 
respects the most wonderful of all modern inventions, though not 
destined to have so much effect as some others on the future of the 
human race. 

The art of photography is entirely embraced within the century. 
The solitary fact bearing upon the subject, and known to the world 
previous to 1776, was that /iw«j'//?v;' (fused chloride of silver) is black- 
ened by exposure to the sun's rays. It is now known that many 
bodies are photo-chemically sensitive in a greater or less degree but 
some of the salts of silver and chromic acid in conjunction with 
organic matter are pre-eminently so, and are used practically to the 
exclusion of all others. 

Scheele in 1777 drew attention to the activity of the vwlet and blue 
rays as compared with the rest of the spectrum ; and Ritter in 1801 
proved the existence of dark rays beyond the violet end of the visible 
spectrum by the power they possessed of blackening chloride of silver. 
Wollaston experimented upon gum-guaiacum. Wedgwood, previous 
to 1802, was the first to produce a photograph, in the technical sense 
of the word ; this was a negative of an engraving which was laid over 
a sheet of paper moistened with a solution of nitrate of silver. Such 
a picture had to be carefully preserved from daylight, or the whole 
surface would blacken. Neither Wedgwood, nor Davy, who accom- 
panied with observations the memorandum submitted by Wedgwood 
to the Royal Society, devised any mode of fixing the image. 

From 1814 to 1827 Joseph Nicephore Niepce, of Chalons on the 
Saone, experimented on the subject. In the latter year he commu- 
nicated his process. He coated a plate of metal or glass with a varnish 
of asphaltum dissolved in oil of lavender, and exposed it under an 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. . 347 



engraving- or in a camera; the sunlight so affected the bitumen that 
the parts corresponding to the white portions of the picture or image 
remained upon the plate, when those not exposed to light were sub- 
sequently dissolved by oil of bitumen and washed away. This was a 
permanent negative picture. In 1829 Niepce associated himself with 
Daguerre. 

In 1834 Fox Talbot commenced his investigations, and in January, 
1 839, announced his allotype process. He prepared a sheet of paper 
with iodide of silver, dried it, and just before use covered the surface 
with a solution of nitrate oj silver a.nd gallie acid, and dried it again, 
l^vxposure in the camera produced no visible effect, but the latent 
image was devclopedhy a re-application of the gallo-nitrate, and finally 
fixed by bromide of potassium, washed and dried. A negative so 
obtained was laid over a sensitized paper, and thus a positive print 
was obtained. This was a wonderful advance. 

In the same month (January, 1839) Daguerre's invention was 
announced, but was not described till July of that year. In the 
daguerreotype, which has made the name of the inventor a household 
word, and furnished a test of skill in all the spelling-schools of the 
United States, polished silver-surfaced plates are coated with iodide 
of silver by exposure to the fumes of dry iodine, then exposed in the 
camera, and the latent image developed by mercurial fumes, which 
attach themselves to the iodide of silver in quantities proportional to 
the actinic action. The picture is fixed by hyposulphite of soda, which 
prevents farther change by light. 

Goddard in 1839 introduced the use of bromine vapor conjointly 
with that of iodine in sensitizing the silver surface. 

The addition of chlorine was by Claudet in 1840. M. Fizeau 
applied the solution of gold, which combined with the finely divided 
mercury, and in part replaced it. 

In 1848 M. Niepce de St. Victor coated glass with albumen, and 
treated it with nitrate of silver to sensitize and coagulate it. The film 
hardened m drying, and furnished a negative from which pictures 
might be printed by light. 

The collodion process, by Scot Archer, of London, was one of the 
most remarkable inventions of the series, and has made photography 
the most important art industry of the world. A plate of glass is 
cleaned, floated with collodion, sensitized with iodides and bromides, 
usually of potassium. It is then plunged in a solution of nitrate of 
silver. Metallic silver takes the place of the potassium, and forms 
insoluble iodide and bromide of silver in the film, which assumes a 



548 SOUVENIR AND 



milky appearance. The plate is exposed in the cameia, and the lat- 
ent image developed by an aqueous solution of protosulphate of iron, 
the picture gradually emerging by a dark deposit forming upon those 
places where the light has acted, the density of this deposit being 
directly proportional to the energy of the chemical rays. When suffi- 
ciently developed, the plate is washed with water, and fixed by wash- 
ing away the free silver salt by a solvent, such as the cyanide of 
potassium or hyposulphite of soda. , This removes the milky character 
of the film, and leaves the picture apparently resting on bare glass. 

To produce positive photographic prints from such a negative, a 
sensitized sheet of paper is placed beneath the negative, and exposed 
to the sun's rays. The light passes through the negative in quantity 
depending upon the transparency of its several parts, and produces a 
proportionate darkening of the silver salts in the albuminous surface 
of the paper. The paper is now washed to remove the unaltered 
nitrate, toned by a salt of gold, fixed by hyposulphite of soda, washed, 
dried, mounted, and glazed. 

The trouble and difficulty in the efficient working of collodion 
negatives out-of-doors, created a desire for a means of preserving a 
collodion plate in a sensitive condition, so as to render it unnecessary 
to coat, sensitize, and develop the plate where the landscape is taken. 
Accordingly a number of preservative and dry-plate processes have 
been invented. No dry process, however, gives results fully equal 
in quality to the work from wet plates, but they offer other advantages 
which can not be ignored. 

The stereoscopic camera used for field work has an arrangement 
for instantaneous exposure of the two lenses, which admit pencils of 
beams to the plates in the binary chamber. Shutters are placed in 
front of each tube, so arranged that by touching a spring they are 
simultaneously rotated, bringing for an instant of time a hole in 
each shutter in correspondence with the tube admitting -rays of light 
from the origin to sensitized plates on the interior. 

J. W. Osborne patented in Australia, September i, 1859, and in 
the United States, June 25, 1861, a transfer process, in which he 
prepares a sheet of paper by coating one side with a mixture of 
albumen, gelatine, and bichromate of potash, and dries it in the dark. 
This is exposed under a negative, whereby a visible change is 
produced, the brilliant yellow of the sheet, due to the salt of 
chromium, being changed to a chestnut-brown. In addition to this 
visible change, the organic matter becomes insoluble. A coating of 
transfer-ink is now applied to the whole exposed surface by passing 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



;49 



the sheet through the press, face down, upon an inked stone. When 
the sheet is removed the photographic picture is almost invisiWe. 
The sheet is then floated, ink side upward, upon hot water, the action 
of which is to coagulate the albumen, rendering it insoluble, and to 
swell and soften the gelatine, causing the part affected by light to 
appear depressed by contrast. The sheet of paper so floated is next 
placed upon a slab, and the superfluous ink rubbed off by a wet sponge. 
This operation develops the picture. The sheet is then washed, 
dried, and transferred to the stone in the usual way. The coagulated 
albumen forms over the whole surface of the paper a continuous film, 
which adheres strongly to the stone during the transfer process, 
preventing any shifting and consequent doubling of the lines. This 
is, for all practical purposes, the first successful photo-lithographic 
process, and has been used in the Crown Lands Survey Office of 
Victoria since September, 1859, in the publication of maps. 
Substantially the same process is used in the Ordnance Survey Office 
of England. The duplication and copying of drawings for the 
United States Patent-office has been for some years performed by 
this process, which, in accuracy and speed, leaves nothing to be 
desired. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

A CENTURY'S ART AND INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT- 
LIFE ASSURANCE IN THE UNITED STATES. 

The subject of life assurance is one in which the theories and 
calculations of mathematicians have always taken an important part. 
Before the organization of life assurance companies it was proposed 
by governments to raise loans, which were to be repaid by annuities ; 
and attempts were made to calculate the values of such annuities. 
In 1693 the Royal Society published "An Estimate of the Degrees 
of Mortality of Mankind, Drawn from Curious Tables of the Births 
and Funerals of the City of Breslau, with an Attempt to Ascertain 
the Price of Annuities upon Lives, by E. Halley, F. R. S." It was 
found that of 1,000 births, 500 persons died by the end of the thirty- 
third year ; so that thirty-three years was taken as the average of 
human life, or what we would now call the expectation of life for 
an infant at birth. 

Abraham De Moivre published in 1725 a treatise on annuities, in 
which he assumed 86 years as the maximum age, and half of the 
difference between a given age and 86 years as the probable duration 
of life at the given age. 

The first organization for life assurance purposes in this country 
was made in 1759, when the Presbyterian Synods of New York and 
Philadelphia procured from the proprietary Government of Pennsyl- 
vania a charter of a " Corporation for the Relief of Poor and Dis- 
tressed Presbyterian Ministers, and of the Poor and Distressed 
Widows and Children of Presbyterian Ministers." There was 
already a fund for the aid of the partially supported clergy ; and a 
fund was now collected for the relief of widows and deceased clergy- 
men, and a plan devised by which a Presbyterian clergyman could, 
by making annual payments during his life, secure, under certain 
conditions, the payment of an annuity to his surviving widow or 
children. 

One of the curious conditions of this plan was, " That every con- 
tributor at his marriage, and as often as that happens, shall pay one 
year's rate extraordinary, as he thereby makes the chance worse, by 
bringing, in general, a younger widow upon the Fund." 

351 



352 



SOUVENIR AND 



In 1769 a similar corporation was chartered by the Proprietories 
of the Province of Pennsylvania for the relief of the widows and chil- 
dren of clergymen in the communion of the Church of England in 
America; the same persons being incorporated also, by the Provinces 
of New Jersey and New York. 

Up to 1792 the Presbyterian Corporation had paid over $48,000 to 
annuitants. When 116 years old, that is, in 1875, having obtained an 
amendment to its charter with a change of name, it began to transact 
a general business of life assurance confined to clergymen of the 
Presbyterian Church, under the title of the Presbyterian Annuity and 
Life Insurance Company; and this, the oldest life company in the 
United States, and one of the oldest in the world, is still in existence. 

Among other early companies were the Pennsylvania Company for 
Insurance on Lives, etc., incorporated in 1812, and still in existence, 
though now only as a trust company; and the Girard Life Insurance, 
Annuity, and Trust Company, chartered in 1836, now also confining 
itself to a trust business. Until 1843, ^he principal life companies of 
the United States were in Pennsylvania, with their headquarters in 
Philadelphia, and their business was transacted on the stock principle. 

In that year, however, two companies, destined to introduce a great 
reform into the methods of life assurance, and to bring the business 
into greater prominence, were organized in other States of the Union. 

In February, 1843, the Mutual, of New York, began business 
with its principal office in the city of New York ; and in December, 
of the same year, the New England Mutual opened its head office in 
Boston. Both of these companies were organized under the Mutual 
plan, all the profits to go to the assured ; and this feature recommends 
them strongly to public favor. An unsuccessful attempt was made 
the next year to organize a Mutual company in Pennsylvania under 
the name of the Mutual Life Insurance Company of Philadelphia ; 
but not until 1847 did Mutual Life Assurance have a permanent 
Pennsylvania representative company. In that year an act was ap- 
proved providing for the organization of the Penn Mutual Life 
Insurance Company, now the most prosperous of the Pennsylvania 
companies. Meantime the following companies, each destined to 
play a great part in the development of the life assurance business 
in the United States, were organized in other States, viz., The New 
York Life, which had been incorporated under the name of The Nau- 
tilus, in 1841, began to transact business with its headquarters in the 
city of New York in 1845 5 '"-^^""^ ''^ ^^'^^ same year the Mutual Benefit 
Life Insurance Comj^any opened its head office in Newark, N. J.; and 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



in December, 1846, the Connecticut Mutual, with its head ofifice at 
Hartford, Connecticut, began to transact business. The last-named 
company was destined to contest the supremacy, for a time success- 
fully, with the Mutual of New York. 

It was the custom of many of the life companies at this period to 
take only a part of the premium in cash and to accept the note of 
the assured for the rest. As the number of companies multiplied, 
and competition began to grow sharper, they became more critical of 
each other's methods, and the advocates of the part premium and all 
cash systems engaged in public controversy. The part premium 
note system was, of course, at first popular, because it enabled the 
policy-holder to carry a given amount of assurance with less actual 
expenditure ; but as it usually led to ultimate disappointment, a con- 
siderable part of the assurance being finally paid by the return of the 
notes, it has gradually fallen into disuse ; the most successful com- 
panies having been those which adhered to the all-cash system. One 
of the witty sarcasms of the opponents of the premium note system 
was, that " Mutual life insurance, on the premium note system, was 
only a mutual attempt among a number of partially empty bags to 
stand up as if they were full." 

At the end of 1848, the Mutual Life Insurance Company of New 
York had taken the lead among the life companies of the United 
States in respect of its accumulated fund of $742,000. In the item 
of outstanding assurance, which more properly measures the magni- 
tude of the business of a life company, it is difficult to get the data 
for a satisfactory comparison at this early date; but five )'ears later, 
at the close of 1852, we find the Connecticut Mutual decidedly in the 
lead. The centre of activity had passed from Pennsylvania to the 
North. Fowler tells us that nine Pennsylvania Companies had at the 
beginning of 1852 an aggregate outstanding assurance of only about 
$12,000,000. At the end of the same year each of the three largest 
companies, belonging respectively to the States of Connecticut, New 
York, and New Jersey, had a greater amount in force than this, as is 
shown by the following figures taken from advertisements which 
appeared in the papers of that day: 

ASSURANCE IN FORCE AT CLOSE OF 1852. 

Connecticut Mutual $23,656,516 

Mutual (of New York) 17,560,633 

Mutual Benefit (of New Jersey) 14,978,507 

The centre of greatest activity was, however, not in Connecticut, but 



354 



SOUVENIR AND 



in New York, as the fourth company in size was the New York Life, 
whose assurance in force was at this time probably about nine 
millions of dollars, and the combined assurance of the Mutual and 
the New York Life, therefore, aggregated a greater amount than that 
of the Connecticut Mutual. 

It is worthy of note that all four of the largest companies were 
already mutual companies; and that, the two largest were champions 
of the two systems of transacting business then in sharpest competi- 
tion; the Connecticut Mutual being a part-note premium company, 
while the Mutual of New York was an all-cash premium company. 

This is especially interesting, because, only two years later, in 
1854, we find the positions of the two leading companies almost re- 
versed, the Mutual of New York having taken the lead with assur- 
ance in force stated as $22,182,633, while that of the Connecticut 
Mutual had declined to $18,948,225. The Mutual Benefit followed 
with $15,794,297, and the New York Life was still fourth with 
$10,290,662. Next after these came the New England Mutual with 
$6,400,663 in force. 

During the next six years, that is, until i860, there was a steady 
growth in the amount of business in force. The five largest com- 
panies maintained their relative order, but the Mutual of New York 
grew much the most rapidly, making a gain of nearly $18,000,000 in the 
six years. The Mutual Benefit almost caught up with the Connecti- 
cut company, and the New England Mutual gained fast on the New 
York Life. 

But during this interval two companies began to transact busi- 
ness which were destined to play so important a part in the history of 
Life Assurance in the United States that special mention should be 
made of them. 

^ On the 25th of November, 1858, the Northwestern Mutual began to 
transact business, with its head office in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 
Excepting only the three giant companies of New York City, the 
Northwestern is now the largest company in the world. 

Eight months later, July 28th, 1859, the Equitable Life Assurance 
Society of the United States began to transact business in modest 
offices in New York City. 

At the close of i860 the controversy between North and South 
was brought to a crisis by the election of Abraham Lincoln to the 
presidency of the United States. 

At this time the amount of assurance in force in the principal 
companies was reported as follows : 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. orr 



Mutual of New York ^40,159,123 

Connecticut Mutual 25,872,789 

Mutual Benefit 25,426,538 

New York Life 16,388,109 

New England Mutual 15,654,162 

Manhattan of New York 12,500,210 



Total $136,000,931 

The increase during the year for these companies had been : 

Mutual of New York $4,839,844 

Connecticut Mutual 1,813,195 

Mutual Benefit 3,223, loi 

New York Life 1,103,391 

New England Mutual 2,732,478 

Manhattan 1,728,828 



'l^ot'-^l $15,440,837 

The secession of the Southern States and the dark cloud of 
civil war had much less effect on the business than would have been 
expected. 

'J he following are the amounts reported in force in 1861, together 
with the gains or losses for the year. 

Mutual .$38,188,122 Loss $1,971,001 

Conn. Mut 26,398,145 Gain 525,356 

Mutual Benefit.. 23,858,353 Loss 1,568,185 

New England... . 16,478,749 Gain 824,587 

New York Life. . 16,411,259 Gain 23,150 

Manhattan 12,528,081 Gain 27,871 



$133,862,709 Nett Loss $2,138,222 

A gain of $15,440,837 for these six companies in i860 was changed 
into a loss of $2,138,222 in 1861 ; or a total loss of $17,579,059, as 
compared with the gains shown in i860. This seems a very decided 
check ; but the remarkable fact is that it was only for a single year. 
Notwithstanding the fact that the war continued, with no immediate 
prospect of termination, the lost ground, and even the rate of gain 
of i860, were more than recovered in 1862 ; the amount in force in 
the six companies having risen to $149,922,316, a net gain of 



35^ SOUVENIR AND 



$16,059,607 for the year. And this was the beginning of a period of 
very rapid gain in the business of life assurance, which far surpassed 
anything that had ever been known before, and which lasted through 
the war and for years after its close. 

During this period the Equitable began to show clearly the com- 
bined e'/«ergy and wisdom of management which have since given it 
so remarkable a place in the history of life assurance. In 1865 it 
passed the Manhattan, in 1866 it passed the New England Mutual, in 
1867 it passed the New York Life, and by the close of 1869, when it 
was little more than ten years old, it had become the third company 
in magnitude in the United States, and probably in the world. The 
.^"tna, of Hartford, Conn., which began to transact business in 1850, 
also came into marked prominence during this period, taking, at the 
end of 1867, the fourth place in the magnitude of its assurance in 
force. At the end of 1868, or at the latest of i86g, however, the rapid 
gains which most of the companies had been making since the close of 
1861 were checked. The Connecticut Mutual, the Mutual Benefit, the 
yEtna, the New England Mutual, and the Northwestern, whose pro- 
gress for the last seven or eight years had been very great, came 
nearly to a stand-still, or even began to decline. The three great 
New York companies, the Mutual, the Equitable, and the New York, 
however, continued to make very heavy gains, until the great com- 
mercial panic of 1873. The severe and well-nigh universal financial 
stringency which followed that panic, told heavily upon the business 
of all the companies, though the good companies continued, notwith- 
standing a diminution in the amount of assurance in force, to prosper 
financially. 

But the prosperity of the business previous to this period, and the 
laxity of the earlier laws in regard to the incorporation of companies, 
had led to the organization of a number of companies without suffi- 
cient safeguards, and whose methods of business were venturesome or 
dishonest. The State Insurance Departments had not then been 
made as efficient as they now are, and therefore reckless and unsound 
business methods were not held so much under control. Many of 
these companies were, therefore, too weak to stand the strain when it 
came upon them, and this period was characterized by a number of 
failures among the weaker companies. The ultimate effect of this 
was, however, good. 'J'he dross was purged away and the pure gold 
remained. The companies whose sound methods and financial 
strength had been successfully tested, stood higher than ever in the 
public estimation, and were ready to share in the return of general 



OFFICL 1 1. PROCRA MME. 3 ^ jr 



prosperity, which began to make itself apparent in 1879. '^'^^^ losses 
of the previous years were (juickly recovered, and there begaw 
an era of marvellous and absolutely unprecedented prosperity 
and growth, which has now lasted for ten years, and still continues. 

But there were other causes which played a still more important 
part in producing this great prosperity, and without which its explana- 
tion would be very inadequate. 

The energetic Equitable Life Assurance Society had taken up the 
idea of Tontine Assurance, and given it a practical shape. It met, 
however, with serious opposition from many quarters, the scheme 
being considered as partaking of gambling. 

The advantages involved in the plan, as presented, v.-ere: 

1. The option of different modes of settlement at the end of a 

period of ten, fifteen, or twenty years, so that the contract 
could be readjusted to meet the perhaps changed circum- 
stances of the assured and the beneficiaries. 

2. The realization of larger profits than was possible under other 

forms of assurance for those who were able to pay the prem- 
iums ; and 

3. The more equitable distribution of the profits. 

The result was a large increase in "Tontine" policies, the New 
York Life and several other companies adopting the plan. 'l"he 
Washington Life, one of the oldest and most popular institutions 
in New York State, issued guarantee policies that have proved very 
attractive to conservative men. These policies offer both security 
and profit. 

The Northwestern, after some delay, also adopted the Tontine 
plan, and it soon began to be prominent am.ong the great companies, 
passing the yLtna, and gaining fast upon the Mutual Benefit and the 
Connecticut Mutual. 

The Mutual of New York was very conservative, and opposed to 
innovations, and consequently both the Equitable and the New York 
Life gained upon it. The financial standing of all the principal com- 
panies at the beginning of 1889 was as follows; 



358 SOUVENIR AND 



Name of Company. ganlz^do^y' Assets, Jan. i, iSSg. 

Mutual Life of New York 1843 $126,082,154 

New York Life of New York 1845 93,480,187 

Equitable of New York 1859 95,042,923 

Connecticut Mutual, Hartford, Conn. 1846 57,460,649 

Mutual Benefit, Newark, N. J 1845 43,514,461 

/Etna, Hartford, Conn 1850 33>8i9,o35 

Northwestern, Milwaukee, Wis.... 1857 32,672,811 

New England, Boston, Mass 1843 19,724,538 

Manhattan, New York 1850 11,543,049 

Germania, New York i860 13,961,200 

Phoenix, Hartford, Conn 1851 io>587,353 

Penn Mutual, Philadelphia 1847 13,787,429 

Provident, Philadelphia 1865 15,040,879 

Mass. Mutual, Springfield, Mass ,. 1851 9.565,523 

Washington, New York i860 9,519,277 

All the companies made great progress during the past five years. 
The remarkable feature of the Mutual's business has been its per- 
manency, losing less comparatively by lapse and surrender than any 
other company, and transacting a larger amount of business in the 
United States than any other institution. 

The first group of great companies is formed of the Mutual, 
the Equitable, and the New York Life. These institutions may 
well be called the Giant Companies, so great is the difference between 
the smallest of them and the greatest of the other companies. The 
lowest amount of assurance in force in this group is over Four 
Hundred Millions, and the smallest new business is over One Hun- 
dred Millions. The aggregate amount of assurance in force in this 
group Dec. 31st, 1888, was $1,451,227,815, and the aggregate new 
business written in 1888 in this group was $382,167,527. 

The next group consists of four companies — the Northwestern, 
the Mutual Benefit, the Connecticut Mutual, and the ^tna, each of 
which had on Dec. 31, 1888, between One and Two Hundred Millions 
in force. 

Of these, the Northwestern, with over One Hundred and Seventy- 
two Millions in force, is decidedly the largest, the Mutual Benefit but 
slightly surpassing the Connecticut Mutual, and the ^tna is de- 
cidedly the smallest, having less than One Hundred and Three Mil- 
lions in force. 

If, however, we were to base our comparison on the amount of 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



359 



new business written in 1888, the Northwestern, with over Forty- 
three Millions, would have to be placed by itself. The Mutual Benefit, 
y^tna, Penn Mutual, and Provident Life and Trust, with amounts 
ranging between Eleven and Nineteen Millions, would form the next 
group ; and the Connecticut Mutual, with less than Eight Millions, 
would be classed in a lower group. 

It is safe to say that no other interest is so closely identified with 
the public welfare as Life Lisurance, and for this reason we have 
devoted considerable space to this important subject. 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

SOME INTERESTING DETAILS WITH 
REGARD TO WINES. 

Until quite recently the consumption of Hungarian wines in the 
United States was comparatively small. This was due to the fact 
that astonishingly little was known about them by the general public, 
and unscrupulous dealers took advantage of this ignorance to first 
offer very inferior or highly adulterated Hungarian wines at prices at 
which the finest goods should have been obtainable. The result was 
that the American public grew to believe, first, that Hungarian 
wines were outrageously dear ; second, that there was nothing much 
to Hungarian wine anyway, except an indigestible amount of weight, 
an alarming " headine," and a startling percentage of alcohol. 

"We don't care for them ; we prefer French wine !" was the 
general verdict. 

In course of time the condition of the Hungarian wine trade in 
the United States attracted the attention of the Austrian-Hungarian 
Minister of Agriculture, who sent a communication to the late Hugo 
Fritsch, then Austria-Hungarian Consul in New York, directing an 
investigation. As a result of the report submitted by Consul Fritsch, 
the Minister discovered that some 150,000,000 gallons more alleged 
Hungarian wine were annually sold to an over-confiding public than 
were imported /// toto during the year from Hungary. 

This discovery created quite a sensation in official circles, for of 
nothing is Hungary more solicitous than of the reputation of its wines. 
After due deliberation, it was decided to take immediate steps to 
protect the reputation of Hungarian wines in this country, and to 
this end the Minister of Agriculture made up his mind to establish 
here a permanent agency, with branches throughout the United States, 
which should sell exclusively wines coming from the Royal Govern- 
ment cellars at Budapest, and guaranteed by the Government seal 
and label on the bottles. 

But what are the Royal Government wine cellars at Budapest .-* 
it will be asked. 

Well ; the Royal Government wine cellars at Budapest are a 

361 



362 SOUVENIR AND 



series of vast vaults built beneath the Parliament buildings of the 
Hungarian capital, and are the largest underground storing-places in 
the world. These cellars were established in 1882, in the interest of 
Hungarian viniculture, and are under the direct management and con- 
trol of the Ministerof Agriculture of Austria-Hungary. To these cellars 
any native wine-grower may send the produce of his vineyard, but his 
wine is only, admitted after it has undergone various exhaustive tests^ 
as to purity and quality. Having successfully withstood these tests 
and having been admitted to the cellars, the wine is then bottled, 
each bottle being supplied with the government seal and label. The 
wine is then held on consignment, and, when sold, the money is re- 
mitted to the wine-grower, less a small percentage charged for the 
maintenance of the cellars. It may be added that the wine goes forth 
from the cellars in bottles only, and thus any chance of subsequent 
adulteration is guarded against. The objects of this establishment 
are naturally to foster and encourage the production of pure wine, 
and to furnish a guarantee to consumers of genuineness and quality. 
These objects have certainly been attained, for, as set forth recently 
in an able article in The Neiv York Times, " The seal of the Royal 
Government Wine Cellars at Budapest is recognized throughout 
Europe as an unquestional)le guarantee of highest purity and excel- 
lence in the respective grades." 

Since the government agency for the cellars was established at 
No. 60 Broad Street, a notable check on the sale of spurious and 
adulterated Hungarian wines has been exercised, and the consump- 
tion of Hungarian wine in this country has shown a gradual but 
highly satisfactory ratio of increase. It only remains for the Amer- 
ican public to become more widely acquainted with the better 
qualities of Hungarian wines to insure for their wines the widespread 
consumption and popularity which they have for years past enjoyed 
in such countries as Germany and England. The average French 
wines sold in this country — both white and red — cannot compare 
with many of the wines from the Royal Government Cellars at 
Budapest which sell at twenty-five per cent, lower cost. 

For instance, among the red wines, there are few French brands 
attainable that can successfully vie with either Janoshefyi or Villanzi, 
and as for Sashefyi, we boldly assert that it stands among red wines 
without a peer. Among the white wines, Ofner Adiersberger and 
Chateau Szalay have made a decided hit in this country; the latter, 
especially, which is a species of haiit sai/terne, having won such extra- 
ordinary popularity among the frequenters of the Hoffman House, 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



1^3 



New York, that for a time some difficulty was experienced in securing 
a sufficient supply to meet the unexpectedly great demand. As for 
Tokay— Hungary is the natural home of Tokay — and the tonic proper- 
ties of this famous wine, its benefit to invalids and convalescents is 
too well-known to need dwelling upon. 

In ordering HiingarLin 7(>ines, he sure to see that the bottles bear the 
seal and label of the Royal Government J Fine Cellars, guaranteeiiii::; 
purity and quality. You will then be sure you are getting good, pure 
wine. 

AGENCY, THE ROYAL HUNGARIAN WINE CELLARS, 

60 Broad Street, New York. 



SALT. 

Though man derives his chief supply of food from the animal 
and vegetable world, there is one condiment that is considered a 
necessary part of his existence, for which he is indebted to the min- 
eral kingdom. That is salt, chemically sodium chloride, a sub- 
stance abundantly distributed over the greater part of the 
earth, and stored in untold quantities in the waters of the 
ocean. Rock salt is almost as heavy as sandstone of simi- 
lar bulk, resembles alum in hardness, and is of a dirty red 
color, streaked with transparent white veins. This impurity gives us 
an opportunity of explaining that only a small portion of the beds of 
rock salt which have been opened up have been found free from an 
admixture of foreign substances. Were we to analyze this specimen 
we should find that its color and dullness are due to the presen.ce of 
sulphate of lime, and probably some clay. Other samples differ in 
color, and yield potassium chloride, calcium chloride and magnesium 
chloride. Even in the refined salt some of these substances are 
present, but in minute quantities. The crystalline structure of salt is 
almost obliterated in the rock form, and if we chip off a piece it will 
be observed that it presents a foliated or fibrous texture. The out- 
side of the lump is moist to the touch, owing to the affinity for mois- 
ture of some of the alien ingredients. Pure chloride of sodium 
retains a perfectly dry surface, and a remarkable property it possesses 
is that of freely allowing the passage of heat rays. Of one hundred 
rays of heat a slab of clear rock salt will transmit ninety-two, while 
plate-glass transmits only twenty-four, and clear ice none at all. 
This fact is of great value to the scientific experimentalist. 



>64 sou J' EN IK AND 



Deposits of rock salt occur in various parts, the most extensive 
and best known being in the province of Galicia, in Austria, the area 
of which has been computed at over ten thousand square miles. The 
towns of Wielczka and Bochnia are the points at which the vast field 
is chiefly worked. 

Mining operations have been carried on for several centuries, and 
marvellous stories are told of the extent of the excavations. It is 
said that in one mine the workings are often thirty miles in length, 
and that the salt in some places has been cut away so as to form great 
halls a hundred feet high. In Asia and Africa there are numerous 
saline deposits, and the same can be said of America. 

Where have these deposits come from ? Geologists have long 
puzzled over this question, and even yet they are not quite 
agreed on the matter. Some attribute them to volcanic agency, but 
the bulk of testimony appears to be with those who assign to them a 
watery origin. It is clear that they do not belong to any particular 
geological period, for while the deposits "existing to the north of the 
Carpathians are in the formations of the Tertiary epoch, those in Great 
Britain are in the Permian and Triassic, and those in America appear 
a long way farther down the scale. In proof of the theory that the 
salt was precipitated from water surcharged with saline matter, it is 
pointed out that such a process is now going on in the case of the 
Dead Sea, the Caspian and the Sea of Aral, with other land-locked 
bodies of salt water, in all of which salt is being deposited as the pro- 
portion between the bulk of the water and the saline matter intro- 
duced by tributary streams is changed to favor that result. 

We are indebted to Mr. Burger, whose knowledge of salt entitles 
him to be classed in connection with this trade foremost in the United 
States, for the following matter, kindly sent by Mr. David Brenmer, of 
Cheshire, England, and which describes the process through which so 
much of the salt passes before it finds its way to the United States. 
The great saliferous beds which underlie the valley of the river 
Weaver, in Cheshire, are the chief source, not only of the salt used 
as food, and in the chemical manufactures of Great Britain, but of 
much that is consumed in other parts of the earth. There are de- 
posits of salt in Worcestershire, Staffordshire, several of the northern 
counties, and in County Down, but these are insignificant in com- 
])arison, and yield only a fraction of the quantity drawn from the 
Cheshire field. The latter has an area of thirty miles in length, by 
from ten to fifteen miles in breadth, and at its richest part it contains 
two great layers of rock salt, the lower of which is from ninety to one 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 365 

hundred and seventy feet in thickness, and the upper from eighty-four 
to ninety feet. Over this great mass of mineral stands the towns of 
Northwich and Winsford, the chief seats of the salt industry. It is 
only two centuries since the mineral in this locality was discovered, 
though salt had been made from the brine springs and pits from 
time immemorial. As the upper stratum of rock contains a consid- 
erable proportion of earthy impurities the mines sunk into it were, 
for the most part, abandoned when the existence and purer quality 
of the lower stratum were revealed, and the mining now in progress 
is chiefly confined to the center of the latter, where there is a layer of 
comparatively pure salt from twelve to fifteen feet in thickness. As 
this gets worked out, of course, there will be a falling back upon the 
portions of the deposit at present neglected. 

The Marston mine, at Northwich, to which visitors are readily 
admitted, is one of the most extensive in the district. It has been 
excavated to the height of sixteen feet over an area of about forty 
acres. 

The roof is supported on huge square pillars of the native rock, 
left at regular intervals (by the excavators) of about ten or twelve 
yards. Both roof and floor have been cut level, and the latter is 
covered with a coating of pulverized salt, as dry and as easily dis- 
turbed as the dust on a Macadamized road on a fine summer day. 
The air is dry, sweet and cool, the temperature from one year's end 
t(j the other varying little from 50° Fahr. Even in the feeble light 
afforded by the candles carried by a group of visitors and their 
guides, the surfaces of the pillars and roof display most beautiful 
efl"ects, and at many points appear to be encrusted with gems. The 
rock is of various hues, passing from deep red to transparent white, 
with here and there a touch of yellow. An examination of the roof 
reveals a striking peculiarity in the formation of the salt rock. It 
appears to be composed of masses of varied figure, and of different 
sizes, and has the effect of an irregular species of mosaic work. 
The outlines are in some cases circular, in others oval, but for the 
most part pentagonal, and the separate forms measure from two to 
twelve feet in diameter. The boundary line of each block is com- 
posed of a streak of white from two to six inches wide, and inside 
the mass generally becomes darker towards its center. For the delec- 
tation of visitors, colored lights are ignited by the guide. The effect 
of the light is magical. It reveals, for the moment, the vastness of 
the subterranean chamber, and brings out the pillars m full relief. 
The beauty which even the candle rays enable one to discover is now 



366 so UVEA' IK AND 



intensified a hundred-fold, and a person of an imaginative turn of 
mind might well suppose that he was enjoying the splendor of the 
scene of Aladdin's adventures. 

The play of the light among the pillars is especially striking ; 
long vistas being opened up here, and dark shadows thrown athwart 
floor and roof, while the vision is bounded by what appears to be a 
barrier of darkness solidified. Just as the last of the colored lights 
is dying out a terrific peal is heard, and a noise as of thunder sweeps 
through the mine, echoing and re-echoing for several seconds. The 
alarm which this unexpected occurrence naturally creates in the mind 
of the unaccustomed visitor is allayed by the explanation that the 
noise was merely the report of a blasting charge fired by the miners 
in the course of their operations. Advance to the extremity of the 
workings, where the miners are engaged, and here the manner in 
which rock salt is wrenched from its native bed is seen. As supplied 
for domestic use, salt is a more or less powdery material, but as it is 
found here, four hundred feet below ground, it is very compact, and 
requires quite as much force and skill to quarry as coal. The miners 
attack the face of the rock and cut perpendicular grooves in it. From 
these they drive bores right and left*, which they charge with powder, 
and thus blast down the salt. To cut it out with the pick-axe would 
be a tedious process, chiefly because the mineral is not stratified, nor 
does it. separate readily at the veins. On being removed to the mine- 
head the larger blocks of salt are picked out and placed in trucks for 
removal to the chemical manufactories, or to a seaport for shipment 
abroad. A large proportion goes to the former, in which it plays an 
important part. If we elect to send a sample thither and follow its 
transmutations we should witness some grand achievements of science 
and have revealed to us the many valuable services which salt renders 
to the arts. 

The great alkali manufacture of England, which constitutes 
the wealth of several important towns, has its foundations in the 
Cheshire salt mines. Salt and its various products constitute indis- 
pensable auxiliaries in dyeing, bleaching, paper-making, pottery- 
making, glass-making, various metallurgical operations, etc. The 
chemical designation of salt — chloride of sodium — indicates its compo- 
sition when obtained in a pure state, and the njst operation of the 
chemical manufacturer is to separate the sodium from the chlorine. 
This is done by treating the salt with sulphuric acid (oil of vitriol). 
As the sodium has a stronger affinity for the vitriol than for the chlo- 
rine, it separates itself from the Uitter, and, combining with the vitriol, 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 367 



forms sulphate of soda, or, as it is commonly called, "salt cake." 
"^rhe latter is mixed with certain proportions of limestone and 
;x>wdered coal, exposed to a strong heat in a furnace, and the result 
is the production of carbonate of soda, which is easily separated from 
the ash of the limestone and coal. The chlorine, on being rejected 
by the sodium in the first process, allies itself with the hydrogen of the 
vitriol, and forms hydrochloric acid, the fumes of which are of the 
most deadly character. For a considerable time the chemical manu- 
facturers allowed this acid to escape in the air, with the result that 
over a wide area surrounding their works no vegetable life could exist. 
This was a constant source of complaint, and the legislature of Great 
Britain had to step in and compel the proprietors to seek some means 
for the abatement of the evil. It was found that the objectionable 
vapors could be condensed in water, and appliances for so arresting 
them are now in general use. 

From the liquid thus obtained the chlorine is extracted by a 
simple operation, and combined with lime to form bleaching powder. 
But we need not go farther into detail on this branch of the subject. 
If we allow a piece of rock salt to share the fate of its fellow smaller 
fragments, we should see it borne off and cast into one or other of a 
series of large open tanks or ponds, which are an adjunct of each of 
the salteries. 

These tanks contain brine, and it is from that liquid that crystal- 
lized salt, for domestic, antiseptic, and other purposes, is made. The 
brine is formed by the solution of the rock salt in the water of springs 
or subterranean lakes; and the supply of it appears to be inexhausti- 
ble. In some parts the brine rises to the surface of the ground, but 
in others it has to be pumped from a depth of two hundred feet or 
more. The proportion of saline matter held in solution varies to 
some extent, but for the most part, it constitutes twenty-five per cent, 
of the brine, whereas, the salt in sea-water contains only three and 
fifty-six hundredths per cent. On being drawn, the brine is allowed 
to flow into the reservoirs referred to, where evaporation goes on, to 
some extent, in a natural way. To strengthen the brine the rock salt 
is added, but usually not more than the fragments that occur in min- 
ing. The salt is extracted from the brine by evaporating the latter by 
heat, until a point is reached at which the proportion of water is too 
small to hold the mineral in solution, and it becomes solidified in the 
form of crystal. The evaporating pans are huge trays of plate iron, 
and usually measure forty or fifty feet in length by half that breadth 
in width, and fifteen inches in depth. 



368 SOUVENIR AND 



They are supported on brickwork, in which furnaces and flumes 
are constructed. 

The quality of salt to be produced is determined by the tempera- 
ture at which evaporation is carried on. Bay or fishery salt, which is 
very coarse in the grain, is made at a temperature of no degrees; 
what is known as "common salt," at 175 degrees; and " stoved," or 
table salt, at 220 degrees. It will be obvious from this that the finest 
quality is most rapidly precipitated. In the production of two tons of 
common salt, one ton of coal is consumed, and a pan of average size 
is capable of turning out two hundred and fifty tons of that quality 
per week. By stooping over the pan the process of crystallization may 
be seen going on. It begins, as already stated, when the evaporation 
has proceeded so far that there is less water than sufficient to hold the 
salt in solution. Little patches of what seems to be semi-transparent 
scum appear on the surface. These patches are composed of groups 
of salt crystals, which are thus formed on the surface of the brine, 
and sink when they acquire a certain weight. The crystals are cubi- 
cal in form; and when the evaporation is conducted rapidly they 
arrange themselves in a peculiar way, and form conical or "hopper" 
crystals. Fresh crystals forming near are attracted, and attach them- 
selves until the mass is completed, when it sinks to the bottom and 
makes way for fresh structures of the same kind. The crystals are 
allowed to accumulate until the solid matter in the pan is equal to 
about three-fourths of its contents. 

In the case of the table variety, the salt is ladled from the pans 
into wooden moulds, in which it is allowed to consolidate, and on 
removal from these, it is dried in a stove. The coarser salts are de- 
posited on a platform and left to drain for some time, after which they 
are completely dried in the stove. It but remains, ere finishing, to 
say a word on the antiseptic uses of salt — that is, its employment to 
prevent the decay of meat, fish, etc. A large quantity of the mineral 
is used in this way, especially in the " curing " of fish. When salt is 
applied to fresh meat or fish, the juice contained in these dissolves it 
and forms a brine, w^hich is proof against the agents of putrefaction. 
It has the power of preserving wood from dry-rot. Captain Joseph 
Hossack, the eminent surveyor of England, considers proper salting 
an invaluable factor in the preservation of ship's timbers, and his vast 
experience as a ship-owner makes such an opinion valuable to the ship- 
owners of all nations. In the beginning of the present century salt 
cost from $60 to $70 per ton; its price at present is barely one-twen- 
tieth of the first named sum. In Thibet and other parts of the world it 
is so valuable as to constitute currency. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. ^6 



3 '^9 



THE MANUFACTURE OF CHOCOLATE AND 

COCOA. 



Nobody could have imagined in the year 1789 that within one 
century the annual manufactures of Chocolate and Cocoa in the U. S. 
would amount to several million dollars. Fastidiousness in the 
matter of table luxuries was not to be expected in so new a country 
as America was 100 years ago. With the growth of individual for- 
tunes and the development of art and literature, there has sprung up 
pari passu a taste for all that makes the table attractive. It is known 
that a little chocolate was made in this country as early as 1770. The 
cocoa bean had been introduced to the attention of Europeans, 
through Cortez, the Spanish conqueror of Mexico, in the first half of 
the sixteenth century. Its use as material for a table beverage 
became common in Spain soon after its introduction. Frenchmen 
soon recognized its value, and before the end of the seventeenth cen- 
tury it was largely used even in England. Though the cocoa {cacao 
in Spanish) bean was indigenous to the American continent, North 
America was almost the last of civilized countries to use it. Only 
within the last twenty-five years has the manufacture of chocolate 
and cocoa reached large proportions ; the importation of cocoa beans 
to the United Stated amounted to over 80,000 bags in 18S8. Choco- 
late is no longer the only form in which it is prepared for use. There 
is a large number of preparations, chiefly of pulverized cocoa. Of 
these the best is the article known as Runkel Brothers' Breakfast 
Cocoa. It is made of selected parts of the cocoa bean with the more 
indigestible oily element extracted, and without any other ingredient. 
Chocolate, on the other hand, contains the oily part of the bean, and 
is composed of ground cocoa, sugar and sometimes a flavoring from 
the vanilla bean. The '* Breakfast Cocoa" preserves all the rich 
fragrance of the cocoa without anything that can produce indigestion. 
By the use of improved machinery, better chocolates and cocoas are 
now produced at one-fourth of the cost of older methods. Runkel 
Brothers have been established since 1870. Their handsome factory 
at 445 and 447 West 30th Street, New York, employs over 100 hands. 
Their products, aggregating 10,000 pounds a day, are up to the highest 
standard, and entitle them to rank with the largest European manu- 
facturers. Their goods are sold everywhere on this continent. 



370 SOUVENIR AND 



E.J. DENNING & COMPANY (RETAIL). 
Sylvester, Hilton & Company (wholesale). 



Nowhere can anj'one get so comprehensive a view of the results 
of American development, industrial and commercial, as in a large 
wholesale and retail dry-goods establishment. Half an hour there is 
worth more than six months spent in examination of the various fac- 
tories which turn out goods for these great distributerr. It is there- 
fore in order, now, to bring the reader face to face with such an 
object lesson on the extent of American productions. For this 
purpose no house could offer so marvelous facilities as that of the 
successors of A. T. Stewart, on Broadway, between Ninth and Tenth 
streets. Messrs. E. J. Denning & Co., in the retail departments, and 
Messrs. Sylvester, Hilton & Co., in the wholesale branch of the busi- 
ness, have fully maintained that pre-eminence in the trade which was 
first secured by Mr. Stewart, who may fairly be looked upon as the 
father of modern dry-goods methods in America. 

Occupying the block bounded by Fourth Avenue, Broadway, 
Ninth and Tenth streets, the building itself, constructed of iron and 
glass, and fire-proof, is worth more than casual attention. The 
ground area covered is about two and an eighth acres. Eight floors 
are in use for the work of the establishment. It follows that the total 
floor area used is about seventeen acres. Two of the floors used are 
below the sidewalk level, and six above it. This was the first building 
in the world to be erected entirely of iron and plate glass. Since the 
death of Mr. Stewart, there has been no change in its external appear- 
ance except that a dark bronze has been substituted for the plain 
white of former years. Some idea of its extent can be gotten from 
the subjoined cut. 

The system followed within this vast structure is, in every sub- 
stantial respect, the system of Mr. Stewart. The result aimed at is 
uniform courtesy to all shoppers, rich or poor, as free from importun- 
ity as from indifference. One price is the invariable rule, and no 
method is known to the establishment by which an employe can 
make anything out of his sales except his salary. No house in the 
world has a more careful plan of inspection for all its goods. The 
possibility of sendmg out an imperfect article from the store is thus 
reduced to a minimum. No clap-trap methods are indulged in. The 
competition of such methods has not affected this firm in the least. It 
relies now, as it always has relied, on only the very best classes of New 
York shoppers— those who are satisfied with the lowest price compat- 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



71 




ol- 



SOUVENIR AND 



ible with excellence in the goods offered, and who know merit when 
they see it in the articles they are purchasing. It has naturally se- 
cured an immense out-of-town retail trade, because of its reliability. 
Express charges, on dry-goods only, to all parts of the United States 
are paid by the firm, and the trust of the out-of-town buyer is never 
imposed upon. Such a business enjoys a normal growth in something 
like the proportions of geometrical progression. In no store in the 
country can be seen such large and elegant stocks of dry-goods, car- 
pets, upholstery goods, and furniture as are here displayed. 



THE A. S. CAMERON STEAM PUMP. 

The first effects of steam were unquestionably directed to hy- 
draulic purposes ; this was a very natural and extensive field for ex- 
periment and enterprise. 

The practice of obtaining water "from wells is of great antiquity. 
Scripture furnishes abundant evidence that even in the patriarchal 
age wells were carefully protected as very valuable property. 

The history of the various mechanical devices for raising water 
embraces many characteristic features and exhibits many remarkable 
changes. 

The invention of Mr. Adam Scott Cameron, of this city, of a 
beamless, crankless, gearless, and jointless contrivance for raising 
large quantities of water from any reasonable depths, presents the 
simplest contrivance of the kind that has up to the present time been 
brought into use. 

For a lengthy period, during which a larger number have been 
sold than any other make, the Cameron Steam Pump has been before 
the practical public, and the verdict universally rendered pronounces 
it, for compactness and simplicity, for the small number, strength, 
and plainness of its parts, one of the foremost steam pumps of the 
world. As an illustration of this we will cite one instance out of 
many that are at our command. "On the * New Croton Aqueduct,' 
our pumps were preferred over all others, four-fifths of the total num- 
ber used being the Cameron." Economical of steam, direct in its 
action, working easily, even at the reversing points in the stroke, and 
at any rate of speed, it is essentially a pump for general service. Any 
intelligent engineer can understand it without trouble. 

By reference to the sectional illustration, with the subjoined ex- 



OFF I CI A L PROGRA MME. 



zi: 



planation of the mechanical arrangement of the valve movement, a 
clear comprehension will be had of the simplicity of its construction. 




THE CAMERON STEAM PUMP. SECTIONAL VIEW OF STEAM CYLINDER. 

The principle of operation of all single direct-acting steam pumps 
is the use of an auxiliary piston or plunger working in the steam chest 
to drive the main slide valve. The auxiliary piston or plunger is 
driven backward and forward by the pressure of the steam, carrying 
with it the main valve, which in turn gives steam to the main piston 
which operates the pump. In The Cameron Direct Acting Pumps 
the reversing of the auxiliary piston or plunger is accomplished by 
the use of two small valves only, and the entire valve mechanism 
consists of but four strong pieces, all working in a direct line with the 
main piston, thus making it the most simple, consequently the most 
durable, of all the direct-acting steam pump valve movements. 

explanation of sectional view. 
A is the steam cylinder; C, the piston; D, the piston rod; L, the 
steam chest; F, the chest piston or plunger, the right hand end of 
which is shown in section; G, the slide valve; H, a starting bar con- 
nected with a handle on the outside; I I are reversing valves; K K 
are the bonnets over reversing valve chambers; and E E are exhaust 
ports leading from the ends of steam chest direct to the main exhaust 
and closed by the reversing valves I I; N is the body piece connect- 
ing the steam and water cylinders. 



74 



SOUVENIR AND 




Ifsrlical, Pisloii ari Pkijer Iniiij Fuinjs, 

For Sinking ShaftSi Used Exclusively 
in Shaft Sinking on the 

YORK CROTON AQUEDUCT 



EXTENSIVELY IN MINING CAMPS 
THROUGHOUT THE COUNTRY. 



itBi'fllun* 

jtnta.rwp. 



pumps for 

boiler feedino, 
miMes, 

refineries. 

BREWERieSi 
fTkNNERIES, 
IRRICATINC, 

FIRE PURPOSES) 
RAILROADS A 
FILLING TANKft, 
CRANK a FLY WHEEL 

ANDVAOUUM PUMPS. 



3 



^wiMiytaLfeuiiia 




REGULAR PUMP. 




SIMPLE/ 

COMPACT, 

DURABLE, 

EFFICIENT, 

ADAPTED TO ALL 
PURPOSES, 




irlssiaa Hell 

PUMPS 

Mod Sispis in Conslmlioa 




IRRIGATINSPURPOSES, 



THE A.S. CAMERON STEAM PUMP WORKS,! »£ INEW YORK. 



OFF/CIA 1. PKOCRA MME. 



OPERATION. 

Steam is admitted to the steam chest, and through small holes in 
the ends of the plunger F tills the spaces at the ends and the ports 
E E as far as the reversing valves I I. With the plunger F, the slide 
valve G in position to the right (as shown in cut), steam would be 
admitted to the right hand end of the steam cylinder A, and the piston 
C would be moved to the left. When it reaches the reversing valve I, 
it opens it and exhausts the space at the left hand end of the plunger 
F, through the passage E; the expansion of steam at the right hand end 
changes the position of the plunger F, and with it the slide valve G, 
and the motion of the piston C is instantly reversed. The same oper- 
ation repeated makes the motion continuous. In its movement the 
plunger F acts as a slide valve to shut off the ports E E, and is 
cushioned on the confined steam between the ports and steam chest 
cover. The reversing valves I I are closed immediately the piston C 
leaves them, by a pressure of steam on their outer ends, conveyed 
direct from the steam chest. 

It will be observed that the entire valve mechanism is self-con- 
tained; there is no outside valve gear exposed to injury, there are no 
arms, levers, stems or springs to get out of order ; the entire mech- 
anism consisting of four stout pieces only and all working in a line 
with the main piston. 

The illustrations on page 374 represent a few of the forms of 
which this type of engine is constructed to meet the various uses for 
which it is designed; the water or pump end being varied to meet the 
requirements of the situation. 

Catalogues and full information can be had by applying to 
THE A. S. CAMERON STEAM PUMP WORKS, 

Foot of East 23D Street, 

NEW YORK. 



OFFICE, 

101 Chambers St. 

New York. 



See page 385 for 

special notice 
of this Company. 




WORKS, 
PATERSON, 

N. J. 

Capacity 1,000 
Dozen Files a 
day. 

Consumption 
of steel, 2 tons a 
day. 



76 



SOUVENIR AND 



ROCK DRILLS. 





^ 



The Percussion Rock Drill has been invented and developed with- 
in the latter half century of American Presidents. It is distinctly an 
American invention, though claims are sometimes made that it had 
its origin in France and Germany. We know that rock excavations 
were carried on even before the discovery of America, and it is easy 
to understand that those who were engaged in removing the rock 
would look for some means by which a hole might be drilled with 
greater rapidity than by striking a piece of steel with a hammer. In 
1683 a '' Drop-drilling " machine was used in Germany, and history 
states that with '' ten blows it would sink a hole one and one-half 
inches deep and a hand's breadth wide and long." We learn that in 
1803 a machine said to be " Quicker than a miner " was made at Salz- 
burg, and we are also told that Richard Trevethick, a distinguished 
English engineer, is said to have ''suggested" rock drilling by machin- 
ery. If men who have acted as " suggestors " could get their names 
in history as inventors, the lustre that belongs to the names of Stephen- 
son, Watts, Fulton, and Erickson would be considerably obscured. 
The mechanical inventions of importance are of necessity develop- 
ments which, in many cases, have begun from an indefinite starting 
point. The Rock Drill embodies more invention in its volume and 
weight than any other machine of equal importance. Andre, in his 
dissertation on rock drills, which is embodied in his book on " Coal 
Mining," states concisely the requirements of a good Rock Drill, as 
follows: 

1. A machine rock drill should be simple in construction, and 
strong in every part. 

2. It should consist of few parts, and especially of few moving 
parts. 

3. It should be as light in weight as can be made consistent with 
the first condition. 

4. It should occupy but little space. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. yj J 



5. The striking part should be relatively of great weight, and 
should strike the rock directl)^ 

6. No other part than the piston should be exposed to violent 
shocks. 

7. The piston should be capable of working with a variable length 
of stroke. 

8. The sudden removal of the resistance should not be liable to 
cause any injury to any part. 

9. The rotary motion of the drill should take place automatically. 
10. The feed, if automatic, should be regulated by the advance of 

the piston as the cutting advances. 

J. J. Couch, of Philadelphia, ^-st patented, in 1849, a Percussion 
Rock Drill embodying some of these features. In the same year, but 
a little later, Joseph W. Fowle, of Boston, patented and built a drill, 
the first one that had ever been introduced where the drilling tool was 
attached directly to the engine, or was an elongation of the piston-rod. 
Subsequently Charles Burleigh constructed a drill on Fowle's patents 
embodying some important improvements. Since then, Ingersoll, 
Wood, Githens, and Sergeant have brought the drill more nearly to 
the requirements before stated. All the early drills were what is now 
known as "Tappet" drills — that is, the movement of the valve was 
effected by "tappets" projecting into the cylinder, and struck or 
moved by the piston. This was the principle of the valve movement 
of the first " Ingersoll " drill, and to J. C. Githins belongs the credit 
of having perfected the tappet movement, as embodied in what is 
known to-day as the " Rand " drill. But the *' Tappet " construction 
does not follow one of the most important conditions which belongs 
to a perfect rock drill, in that a part other than the piston is " exposed 
to violent shocks;" and, moreover, the tappet construction does not 
admit of a variable stroke. 

Henry C. Sergeant made the first departure from tappet-moved 
drills in 1873, at the time he constructed the " Eclipse Ingersoll " drill, 
which has from that date until now been steadily improved and per- 
fected, and which is known to-day as the " Ingersoll " drill. He has 
since designed a new valve motion, ancFa new rotatmg device em- 
bodying them in what is known to-day as the " Sergeant" drill. The 
valve motion of the " Sergeant " drill is similar to that of the 
*' Ingersoll," except that an auxiliary valve is introduced between the 
valve and the piston, by means of which the valve movement is made 
more positive. His rotating device is designed to release the piston 
from the rotating mechanism when the blow is struck. 



178 



SOUVENIR AND 



The " Iiigersoll " and the " Sergeant " drills are the only drills 
made to-day which embody the independent valve motion and the 
variable stroke ; and the " Ingersoll " drill is the only drill made to- 
day with an automatic feed attachment. 

The Rock Drill was first employed for tunnel construction at the 
Hoosac Tunnel, beginning about 1865. In 1866 the "Burleigh" 
drills were in active operation in the Hoosac Tunnel. It was only 
because of the support given by the State Treasury of Massachusetts 
that the "Burleigh" drills were maintained at the Hoosac Tunnel, 
their weight being so great, and the expense for repairs reaching 
such a figure, that private enterprise could not afford to drive tunnels 
with rock-drilling machinery. After the completion of the Hoosac 
Tunnel the " Ingersoll " drill reduced the expense of repairs, and has 
been used in twenty-four of the twenty-eight large tunnels in this 
country. Among the tunnels driven by " Ingersoll " drills are the 
" Factoryville," "Snow-Shoe," " Vosburg," "Coosa Mountain," 
"Wickes," "Cascade," "South Penn," and the "New York 
Aqueduct." 

The New York Aqueduct Tunnel, extending over thirty miles in 
length, was built in about two years, and is to-day, so far as the 
rock excavation is concerned, the most marvelous achievement in 
tunneling that has ever been accomplished. Shafts were sunk about 
one mile apart along the line, and all the American Rock Drills were 
used at various points. The following record of progress is given in 
a paper read before the Arkansas Society of Engineers in 1888, at a 
time when there had been nearly twenty-three miles of the Aqueduct 
work completed. The figures are compiled from the engineers' 
tables of progress contained in the "Report of the Aqueduct Com- 
missioners : " 



HIGHEST AVERAGE RECORD IN SINGLE HEADING FOR THE LAST FOUR 
MONTHS, UP TO JULY 3, 1 886, WITH DIFFERENT DRILLS. 



H 
< 

t/5 


P 
< 

X 




>< 

w 
w 


> 

X 
H 




23 
16 

20 


South 
South 
North 
South 


With Ingersoll drills exclusively 

With *G & D. drills exclusively 

With Rand and Ingersoll drills together. 
With Rand drills exclusively 


48.8 

37-7 
37-3 
33-3 


219.8 
169.5 
167.8 
152-5 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 379 

AVERAGE MONTHLY PROGRESS. 

For the last four months on the entire line, 47 headings 141 

In thirty headings using Ingersoll drills exclusively 153 

In five headings using Ingersoll & Rand drills together 130-9 

In seven headings using Rand drills exclusively 122.8 

In four headings using G. & D. drills exclusively 137 

In mines the " Ingersoll " and the " Sergeant" drills produced 
during the year 1888 about 75 per cent, of the ore mined by machin- 
ery." Among the mines where "Ingersoll" and ''Sergeant" drills 
are used are the Anaconda, in Montana — the largest copper mine in 
the world — Granite Mountain, The Cable, The Silver King, The Iron 
Silver, Cornwall Ore Banks, Sterling Iron Company, The Zancuado in 
the United States of Colombia, and the El Callio. 

" Ingersoll " and " Sergeant " drills are also used in the gold 
mines of South Africa, in Australia, British India, Wales, and 

Mexico. 

WM. L. SAUNDERS. 



SOUVENIR AND OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



i8So. 



1889. 



F. WESEL MANUFACTURING GO., 

\\ SPRUCE Street, New York. 
"SUCCESS." "SUCCESS." "SUCCESS." 

Buy our "Patent All-Brass Galley." None equal in the market. 

Thousands and thousands ol our Patent All-Brass Galley "SUCCESS" are already in the market; 
pronounced a success wherever in use. 

The "SUOCESS" Galley is worth 50 per cent, more than any other Galley in the market, 

Singl©, SSl.OO. IZ)OTj.lol©, S2.SO. 



KEWSPAPER GALLEYS. 

Octavo 6x10 inside : 

Quarto 8|xi3 " 

too'scap 9x14 " 

Medium ioxi6 " 

Royal 12X1S " 

Super Royal 14x21 •' 

Imperial 15x22 " 

Republican 18x25 " 



(2 00 
2 50 

2 75 

3 00 

3 SO 

4 00 

4 50 

5 00 



JOB GALLEYS. 

Single 3JX23J inside $209 

Single sl-'^isl 

Single sjxiij 

Medium 5 X23 J 

Double 6JX23J 

Mailing Ualley ... 6^\23i inside $3 00 

Other Sizes Made to Order. 



I 75 

1 50 

2 25 
2 50 



F. WESEL MANUFACTURING CO., 

MANUFACTURERS OF 

PRINTERS' MATERIALS. 

Patent Stereotype Blocks, Brass Rules, Wrought Iron Chases, Galley 

Racks, Composing Sticks and other Printers' Materials. 

A LARGE Stock of Job Presses, Paper Cutters, 

Stands, Cases, &c., &c.. Always 

KEPT on hand. 

COMPLETE OUTFITS FOR JOB AND NEWSPAPER OFFICES, 



No. 11 Spruce Street, 

Two Doors below the Tribune Building, NEW YORK. 

Success Galleys for Sale by all Type Foundries and Dealers in Printers' Materials. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

A CENTURY'S ART AND INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT- 
PRINTING MACHINERY. 

In no single field of invention has there been more development 
than in that of printing machinery. Benjamin Franklin knew of 
nothing but flat presses. It was not until 1835 that the first web 
press was invented in England by Sir Rowland Hill. It was to print 
from conical type made up on a turtle, and to cut, gather and deliver 
automatically. This was looked upon as a marvel by English me- 
chanics, but it never came into common use. Conical type was 
awkward to handle, setting was slow, making up was difficult and ac- 
cidents were too frequent. Many attempts were made to follow the 
same principle, but none were successful. The process of cheap and 
rapid stereotyping is responsible for the practical development of our 
modern web presses. The first of these cut the paper before print- 
ing it and transferred the sheets from one cylinder to another by 
means of grippers. McDonald and Calverly in 1868 brought out the 
Walter press in London, on which the London Times is still printed. 
It is printed before cutting, a principle which is now adopted by all the 
leading makers. 

It was long before any one succeeded in building a press to print 
from the roll, cut, paste and fold automatically. The first man to do 
this successfully was Walter Scott, now of Plainfield, New Jersey, but 
then a Chicago inventor and manufacturer. He accomplished the 
feat with his own patents early in 1872. His machine involved a 
rotary folder, far simpler and more effective than any previously con- 
structed. Since that time Mr. Scott has been easily first in the manu- 
facture of newspaper printing machinery. He has now at Plainfield 
the largest establishment in the world, devoted exclusively to the 
manufacture of printing machines. The works occupy four and a 
half acres, and the flooring used for all the different departments 
aggregates 64,200 square feet. 

The works are connected with the Central Railroad by a siding, 
ai^.d one thousand seven hundred feet of rails arc laid through the 

381 



^82 SOUVENIR AiXD 



yards to the various buildings. Opposite the works the Central Rail- 
road is elevated twelve feet. Mr. Scott has taken advantage of this 
circumstance by making a large embankment opposite the foundry on 
the same level, and also level with the changing floor of the cupola. 
On this embankment is stored all the coal and iron used in the 
foundry. The rails then run over one hundred and fifty feet of 
trestle-work, where the steam and smiths' coal is dumped. This 
dump will hold about one thousand five hundred tons of coal. There 
are also one thousand eight hundred feet of narrow gauge railroad 
connected by turn-tables, leading through the buildings and yards, 
to convey materials to the proper places during process of manu- 
facture. The main building is 350x60 feet, two stories ; tool room, 
40 X 15 feet, two stories; smith shops, 80 x 30 feet; engine room, 
45 X 30 feet ; boiler room, 30 x 30 feet ; foundry, 130 x 70 feet ; and 
other buildings, equal to fifty-seven thousand square feet of floor. 
The ceilings are high: First floor — 15 feet; second floor — izVz 
feet. There are monitors, with windows and ventilators on the roofs. 
The windows are numerous and high, so as to send the light into the 
centre of the buildings. The timbers are heavy and the walls strong. 
The first uoor is two inches thick, laid on joists, bedded in concrete 
eight inches deep. Where large tools stand the concrete is thirty-six 
inches deep ; the second floor is double and two and one-half inches 
thick, with paper between to keep dirt from falling through. There 
are about twelve thousand feet of one and one-quarter inch steam 
pipes used to heat the rooms ; some of these are placed about the 
windows and some below, as most convenient for proper circulation. 
These pipes are connected so that either live or exhaust steam can be 
used. 

The buildings are lighted up by arc electric lights. In the foundry 
the melted iron runs out of the cupola into huge ladles, constructed 
with gearing so that they can be tipped over in order to pour out the 
metal. A monster crane, which runs on rails twenty feet overhead, 
picks up the ladle with four tons of iron in it, and takes it to the 
mould. This crane is capable of raising ten tons and placing it any- 
where in the whole length of the building. It is operated by a man 
who sits in a cage and travels with it. By pulling levers he can run 
up or down, along, across, any or all of them at one time and at two 
speeds. The power is supplied from the machine shop by means of 
a wire rope. The crane is operated by a cotton rope, which runs at a 
speed of one mile per minute. About three hundred hands are em- 
ployed in these shops. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



38: 



Machines made here go to all parts of the civilized world, ana are 
so superior in construction as to be preferred, even at a greater cost, to 
all foreign makes. They include every variety of press, from the most 
delicately adjusted lithograph, — than which there is nothing more ac- 
curate or effective on the market, — to the big in-setting press which will 
print, cut, paste, and fold 48,000 twelve-page newspapers in one hour. 
The German lithograph presses, made with labor so cheap that they 
could afford to pay the 45 per cent, duty required at our custom 
houses, have been entirely driven out of the American market by the 
superior construction of the American machines. There is no class 
of printing presses on which America does not beat the world. Mr. 
Scott has done more than the share of one man in securing this 
stage of perfection. His patents are almost innumerable, and cover 
not merely cardinal principles, but also the most minute details of 
the manufacture. Some of the features of the machinery mode by 
Walter Scott & Co., at Plainfield, may be noted from the ensuing il- 
lustrations. 











THE SCOTT PLATE NEWSPAPER PRESS. 



The above illustrates the Scott Newspaper Printing Press, for four 
or eight pages. Its capacity is 12,000 eight-page papers per hour, or 
24,000 four-page. 



;84 



SOUVENIR AND 




THE SCOTT BOOK WEB PRINTING PRESS. 

Since the successful advent of Web printing machinery for news- 
paper purposes, it has been the constant aim of inventors to build a 
machine so constructed that the length of sheet cut might be changed 
to any size, thus making the utility of roll printing-presses for gen- 
eral work possible. Such construction, though pronounced impossi- 
ble by all other manufacturers, has recently been achieved by Mr. 
Walter Scott, and the above cut illustrates the first Web printing 
machine ever built capable of printing and cutting any sized sheet. 




FOUR-PACE NEWSPAPER WEB. 

The above illustration shows the Scott (four-page) Newspaper 
Press. This machine is especially adapted to four-page newspapers. 

Only one set of plates is necessary, which is a saving of both 
time and labor. 

It capacity is from 12,000 to 15,000 copies per hour. No Wei 
press of sunpler construction h-^s ever been built. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



;85 




THE SCOTT TYPE WEB PRESS. 

This machine is especially designed for daily newspapers when 
stereotyping is not desirable. Its capacity is 12,000 copies eight-page 
papers per hour. 



The leading headquarters for supplying the trade in Files and 
Rasps in this city is the office of the well-known Kearney & Foot 
Co., located at No. 101 Chambers street. This corporation has a rep- 
utation and a trade co-extensive not only with this country but ex- 
tending to many foreign nations. Their works are situated at Pater- 
son, N. J., and are recognized as among the largest and best equipped 
of the kind in the country. The company founded its business in 
1877, and is officered as follows, viz.: President and Treasurer, 
James D. Foot : Vice-President and General Manager, James Kear- 
ney ; Secretary, Sandford D. Foot. The president of the company is 
in personal charge of the New York office. The labors of a large 
number of workmen employed at the factory are greatly facilitated 
by the use of specially improved machinery invented for the purpose, 
which is remarkably ingenious and has served to place this concern 
upon a footing with its most formidable competitors in any part of the 
world, as regards the ability for rapid and perfect production, and is 
aiding the company to produce a file which takes no second place 
when pitted against any file with which it may lie brought into just 
competition. The raw material used is the best English and Amer- 
ican steel, and in the selection of it the utmost care is exercised and 



•;86 SOUVENIR AND 



only such used as can withstand the severest tests. The output is one 
of great magnitude and importance, and comprises all the va^rious 
grades of cuts, known as rough, bastard, second cut, smooth, and 
dead smooth, — as also the leading shapes, flat, half-round, hand, 
pillar, equalling, cotter, square, round, three-square, mill-saw, taper- 
saw, slim taper-saw, double-cut taper-saw, crossing, cabinet rasps, 
cabinet files, wood rasps, warding files, and joint files. All these files 
and rasps are guaranteed as to quality, and are recognized as unex- 
celled either for workmanship, finish, or durability by any other 
house extant. A ready market is found for these goods in all 
sections of the United States, and an export trade is enjoyed with 
many foreign nations. All orders by mail or telegraph are promptly 
attended to at the New York office, and are filled direct from the fac- 
tory. The characteristics which have ever regulated the business 
policy of this responsible house are such as to entitle it to universal 
respect and consideration. See page 375 for cut of works, etc. 



TiNGUE, House & Co., Manufacturers of Felts and Felting (in 
Sheets or by the Yard) for Manufacturers and Machinery Purposes. 
Mills, Glenville, Conn.; Salesroom and Office, No. 56 Reade Street. 
The printing and lithographing business has grown to extensive propor- 
tions, and contingent industries have multiplied and increased accord- 
ingly. For many years it was necessary to import from abroad the 
blankets and tapes used in printing presses, and the molleton cloth used 
for printing on lithographic machines ; indeed, one firm in England had 
a monopoly of felt blankets and tapes, and it seemed as though their 
prestige here would daunt any American concern from attempting 
competition against the well-established and wealthy English firm. 
However, in 1872, Messrs. Tingue, House & Co., of No. 56 Reade 
Street, determined to try it, and started the manufacture of these 
absolute necessities of the printers' trade. They began in a small 
way, but so thoroughly and ably did they meet the wants of the 
printers in every particular, and of such good quality was all their 
goods, that from the small beginning has grown a wonderful, enormous 
business. At Glenville, Conn., the employment of a large number of 
hands is required to supply the enormous demands made upon the 
firm for their goods from all over the United 'States. On Reade 
Street the firm occupy three floors, each 25x70 feet in dimensions, 
and these rooms are heavily stocked with a first-class assortment of 
feltings of every description from their Glenville factory. The co- 



OFFICIAL PKOGRAMME. 



;«7 



partners are Messrs. \V. J. Tingue and Charles W. House. Mr. 
Tingue is a native of New York State and lias the superintendence of 
the factories. Mr. House was born in Connecticut and has change of 
the warehouse in this city. Both have managed their respective de- 
partments of the business so admirably that no other firm in their 
particular line is more popular. 



An article on this subject would not be complete without refer- 
ence being made to the machines used in their construction, and we 
have been favored by the well-known house of The Prentiss Tool and 
Supply Co. for the following information: 

This business is assuming vast proportions; and taking our own 
house as evidence of the growth of this particular branch, we may 
state that in the past few years we have increased our business twenty 
per cent. — to wonderful proportions. 

This house justly claims for itself the first place in its ability to 
cater to the general machinery trade; and owing to a decision lately 
arrived at by this company, they will be known in the future as prin- 
cipally interested in Machine Tools, as they find their efforts can be 
best used for their clients in pushing, in a thorough manner, this 
branch of the business. 

The cut following shows the new " Prentiss Friction Shaper," and 
circulars with full details will be gladly sent on application. 



i88 



SOC'J'E.VIR AND 




The premises about to be occupied by this company are the most 
central, and adapted in every way to the business. 

They act as agents for the following well-known firms: 
" Putnam Machine Co." 
Lodge, Davis & Co., of Cincinnati. 
Prentiss Bros., of Worcester. 
And representative houses of this high order. 
Among their specialties they include: 

Upright and Radial Drills, Engine Lathes, 

Iron Planers, Milling Machines, 

And a great varietv of machines used in working metals. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 389 



For this large and complete edition of the Souvenir and Official 
Programme of our Centennial History, we are indebted to the well- 
known printing establishment of Jenkins & McCowan, corner Grand 
and Centre streets. This printing house was formerly located at No. 
8 Spruce Street, opposite the J'ribime Building. In 1884 the old 
plant of presses was sold, and the improved Campbell Printing- 
presses were put up in the present commodious building. Besides the 
Campbell, they have the Adams, Hoe stop cylinder, and Peerless 
presses. The business has been steadily growing, and with the increase 
of patronage new type and larger presses have been added, together 
with a very complete pamphlet bindery. An electrotype foundry, 
with Edwin Flower as proprietor, makes the establishment one of the 
best book houses in the city. Mr. McCowan has been a practical 
pressman for some thirty years, having been connected with some of 
the best-known houses in the city. The foremen of the composing 
and press rooms are men of large and valuable experience; the 
former having served years at Spruce Street, and the latter fourteen 
years as foreman for J. J. Little & Co. Great care is taken in the proof- 
reading; and of their large list of patrons among publishers, magazine 
and newspaper houses, their close reading is complimented. Any 
contracts entered into by this firm are promptly and satisfactorily 
executed, and they do very fine work, and turn out large editions 
with their extended and improved facilities. 



The building at 43 and 45 Centre Street, New York, the premises 
occupied by the late James Somerville as a bookbindery for nearly 
thirty years, has been put in thorough repair and leased and refitted 
by James A. Wilmore, late of Richmond, Va., with an entire new plant 
of the latest and most improved machinery. The experienced and 
competent force of employees that have been so long connected with 
the bookbindery business at this place are retained, under the experi- 
enced management of Norman C. Miller and Andrew D. Fleming, 
so long connected with the former establishment. 



39° 



SOrrENIT^ AND 



MANUFACTURER OF 



SOUNDING-BOARDS, 

ALL-WOOL FELTS, 

PIANO AND ORGAN MAKERS' AND TUNERS' 

T00liS, HARDWARE. ARD SUPPkieS. 

SEHD FOR ILLUSTRATED CATALOGUE. 




FELT & SOUNDING BOARD-FACTORIES AT DOLGEVILLE,N.Y 




SOLE AGENT FOR 

M. POEHLMANN'S 

and. 

AV. D. HOUGHTON'S 

122 ERST THIRTFENTH ST.. NEW YORK. 



OFFICIAL PROGRAMME. 



191 




ew^v^*^ ^-^V- ^VV?^^ 



THE3 




ALFRED DOLGE 



O E: ILi ElIB PL ^ T E: ID 




FOR COLD AND TENDER FEET. 

NOISELESS, WARM, DURABLE. 





DANIEL GREEN & CO., Sole Agents, 

122 East Thirteenth Street, New York. 



;92 



SOUVEXIR AND 



The MyTUAL 

Life Insurance Company * 



^ 



OF NEW YORK. 

Richard A. McCurdy, President. 



ASSETS, -:- -:- $126,082,153 56. 

The Largest and Best L-ife Insurance Company in 

the World. 

The New Business of the Mutual Life Insurance 
Company in 1888 Exceeded $103,000,000. 

Its Business shows the Greatest Comparative Gain 

made by any Company during the past 

year, including 



A gain in assets of .....$ 7,!375,301 68 

A gain in income of .... 3,096,010 06 

A gain in new premiums of . . . . ^,333,4 06 00 

A gain in surplus of . . . . . 1,64:5,6%.% II 

A gain in new business of . . . . 33,756,793 85 

A gain of risks in force .... 54r,496,a51 85 



THE MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY 

Has Paid to Policy-holders since Organization 
S272,4:81,839 82. 

The wonderful growth of the Company is due in a large degree to 
the freedom from restriction and irksome conditions in the contract, and 
to the opportunities for investment which are offered in addition to in- 
demnity in case of death. 

The Mutual Life was the first to practically undertake the simpli- 
fication of the insurance contract and strip it of a verbiage in the mazes 
of which could be found innumerable refuges against claims of policy- 
holders who had, however unwittingly, departed from the strict letter of 
the agreement. That this appealed powerfully to the popular taste is 
evident from the fact that in 1888 the company wrote over $103,000,- 
000 of new insurance. 

The Distribution Policy of the Mutual Life Insurance Company 
is the most liberal contract offered by any company, and ])roduces the 
best results for the policy-holders. 






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